The Sages and the Star-Child: An Introduction to the Revelation of the Magi, An Ancient Christian Apocryphon

The Sages and the Star-Child: An Introduction to the Revelation of the Magi, An Ancient Christian Apocryphon A dissertation presented by Brent Christopher Landau to The Faculty of Harvard Divinity School in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Theology In the Subject of New Testament and Early Christianity Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts February 2008 © 2008 – Brent Christopher Landau All rights reserved. Dissertation Advisor: Professor François Bovon Brent Landau The Sages and the Star-Child: An Introduction to the Revelation of the Magi, An Ancient Christian Apocryphon Abstract This study analyzes a poorly-known ancient Christian apocryphal writing, termed the Revelation of the Magi. This document purports to be the personal testimony of the biblical Magi on the coming of Christ, and is the longest and most complex narrative devoted to the Magi surviving from antiquity. The first chapter is a critical edition of the Syriac text of this apocryphon as found in the Chronicle of Zuqnin, an eighth-century world chronicle preserved in a single manuscript, codex Vaticanus Syriacus 162. The corresponding annotated English translation is the first of its kind for this text. The second chapter compares the Syriac text with a much shorter version of the narrative contained in the Opus Imperfectum in Matthaeum, an Arian commentary on the Gospel of Matthew from the fifth century. It concludes that the Opus is a witness to a Greek version of this apocryphon, basically equivalent to the received Syriac. The third chapter attempts to trace the prehistory of the text prior to its fifth-century form, and argues that the earliest form of the text was a pseudepigraphon, written from the putative perspective of the Magi themselves. This text, which was composed in the late iii second or early third century, was redacted in the third or fourth century to include a third-person account of the Apostle Judas Thomas’ conversion of the Magi. The fourth chapter investigates the use of foundational Christian writings by the Revelation of the Magi. Although the text is obviously dependent upon Matthew for its basis narrative structure, the terminology and theology of the Gospel of John is much more influential, especially since the text portrays the Magi’s star as Christ in luminous form—the literal “light of the world.” The fifth and final chapter argues that the text employs two different modes of religious diffusion: divine universal revelation and human mission. Its presentation of divine revelation has particular consequences for understanding the origins of religious difference. According to the Revelation of the Magi, because Christ can appear to anyone, in any place, at any time, he is actually the wellspring of all of humanity’s religious traditions. iv Table of Contents Acknowledgements Dedication Abbreviations and Short Titles viii x xi Introduction The Sages and the Star-Child The Revelation of the Magi, An Ancient Christian Apocryphon I. The Magi from the East in the Ancient Christian Imagination II. The Chronicle of Zuqnin—Codex Vaticanus Syriacus 162 III. A Summary of the Revelation of the Magi IV. History of Previous Scholarship V. Overview of Chapters 1 3 6 10 15 22 23 27 75 Chapter One Syriac Text and English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi 1A. Preface to the Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi 1A. Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi 1B. English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi Chapter Two Parallels and Problems Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi I. Introduction II. An Overview of the Opus Imperfectum and its Reception III. A Synopsis of the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi A. Text and Translation of the Opus Imperfectum Narrative B. Synoptic Comparison of the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi IV. Theorizing the Relationship between the Opus Imperfectum and the Received Syriac Revelation of the Magi V. Differences and Similarities in the Syriac and Greek Recensions of the Revelation of the Magi VI. Conclusion 137 139 143 145 165 170 173 Chapter Three The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi I. Introduction II. The Judas Thomas Episode of the Revelation of the Magi: Its Redactional Character and Origin in Syriac Christianity A. Overview B. The Judas Thomas Episode: A Review of its Contents C. Redactional Features of the Judas Thomas Episode 1. First Redactional Element: A Change in Narrative Perspective 2. Second Redactional Element: Introduction of New Vocabulary and Terminology 175 176 176 179 179 184 v 3. Third Redactional Element: The Judas Thomas Episode as Narrative Excess 4. Possible Motives for the Redaction of the Revelation of the Magi D. The Judas Thomas Episode as a Product of Syriac Christianity 1. The Baptismal Hymn in the Revelation of the Magi and the Hymns in the Acts of Thomas 2. Traditions about Judas Thomas in the Revelation of the Magi and the Acts of Thomas E. Concluding Remarks on the Judas Thomas Episode III. The Magi Pseudepigraphon: An Archaic Infancy Gospel and Christian Apology A. Overview B. The Magi Pseudepigraphon and the “New Source” of M.R. James 1. The “New Source” Infancy Gospel: Witnesses and Research 2. Parallels between the Magi Pseudepigraphon and the “New Source” 3. Evaluating the Literary Relationship between the Magi Pseudepigraphon and the “New Source” C. The Magi Pseudepigraphon as Christian Apologetic D. The Date, Provenance, and Original Language of the Magi Pseudepigraphon IV. Conclusion 186 188 190 191 196 200 201 202 203 206 212 214 217 218 Chapter Four The Magi’s Bible Scriptural Interpretation in the Revelation of the Magi I. Introduction II. The Form of Scripture in the Revelation of the Magi III. The Gospel of Matthew IV. The Gospel of John V. The Hebrew Scriptures VI. Conclusion 221 222 225 233 239 243 Chapter Five “One Drop of Salvation from the House of Majesty” Universal Revelation, Human Mission, and Mythical Geography in the Revelation of the Magi I. Introduction II. Divine Universal Revelation and Human Missionary Activity in the Revelation of the Magi A. Overview B. The Concept of Human Missionary Activity C. The Concept of Divine Universal Revelation III. The Origins of Religious Belief according to the Revelation of the Magi A. Overview B. Evidence for Christ as the Wellspring of Religious Belief in the Revelation of the Magi IV. Mythical Geography in the Revelation of the Magi A. Overview B. The Magi from the Revelation of the Magi and Ancient Speculative Ethnography 244 245 246 249 255 255 259 260 vi V. Conclusion 266 Conclusion Problems and Prospects in the Study of the Revelation of the Magi I. Contributions of the Present Study II. Future Questions for the Study of the Revelation of the Magi 267 270 275 Bibliography vii Acknowledgements This dissertation has benefited from the contributions of many individuals, some of whom are no longer living. Among those who departed long ago, I am immensely grateful to the anonymous authors of the Chronicle of Zuqnin and the Opus Imperfectum in Matthaeum, both of whom saw fit to include the Revelation of the Magi in their works and thus preserved it for posterity. More recently, I am grateful to O.F. Tullberg and J.-B. Chabot for their critical editions of the Chronicle of Zuqnin, which greatly lessened my burden in producing an edition of the Revelation of the Magi. As for my present interlocutors, two great scholars stand at the forefront. François Bovon, who has been my advisor from my first day at Harvard Divinity School, has been an exceptionally kind, generous, and encouraging Doktorvater. His thorough knowledge of early Christian traditions and the vast array of scholarly literature in this field have been invaluable for my project. J.F. Coakley spent countless hours supervising my translation of the Revelation of the Magi and the production of the critical Syriac text. His very patient editing of my work has saved me from embarrassment time and again, and any errors remaining in the text or translation are entirely my own. A number of other scholars have provided significant assistance with this dissertation. Karen L. King and Laura S. Nasrallah have given me much guidance in refining the content of these chapters, always pushing me toward greater analytical rigor. Two specialists in Syriac literature, Witold Witakowski and Susan Ashbrook Harvey, have shared their expertise on many occasions. My undergraduate thesis advisor from the University of Iowa, George W.E. Nickelsburg, was kind enough to read my translation of the Revelation of the Magi and offer his impressions on the text as an expert in Jewish pseudepigrapha. I am also grateful for the generous offer of J.-D. Kaestli to share my work on this text this summer in France with the members of L’Association pour l’étude de la littérature apocryphe chréttiene (AELAC). My closest colleagues and friends at Harvard have given me advice and support for this project on occasions too numerous to recall. I would especially like to single out Ken Fisher, Carly Daniel-Hughes, Ben Dunning, Anna Miller, Katherine Shaner, Nicole Kelley, Marcie Lenk, and Anne-Marie Luijendijk. Finally, I am eternally grateful to my family for providing emotional, financial, and intellectual support during the seven years it took to complete my doctorate. My mother Debby, my father Greg, my brother Brian, and my sister Elizabeth gave me the gift of their enthusiasm, especially during the stretch run when I needed it the most. My grandmother, Helen Mason, and my uncle, H.D. Mitchell, were both eager to read whatever I sent them, and put their theological training to good use. I am also very blessed that my father, mother, and brother-in-law, Bill, Margie, and Jon Bangs, have shown such interest and excitement for this project. Finally, my deepest love, viii admiration, and gratitude is for my wife Elizabeth, who has been my source of stability during the final, crucial two years of this project. She has spent many, many hours reading over my drafts and reshaping some very painful, unpleasant writing into a prose that allows the beauty of this unique text to shine forth. Thanks to her tireless work, I have been able to produce a dissertation worth reading. ix To my wife Elizabeth and to J.F. Coakley, without both of whom, this project would have never come to fruition. x Abbreviations and Short Titles Note: For full publication information, please refer to the bibliography. When possible, abbreviations follow The Society of Biblical Literature Manual of Style. Acts Andr. Acts Pet. Acts Thom. Adv. Jud. ANF ANRW Ant. Apoc. Adam Apoc. Sedr. Apocrypha Hiberniae (Arab.) Inf. Gos. Archaeological Iran (Arm.) Inf. Gos. Arundel Ascen. Isa. Birth of Messiah BLC Bee Caverne Comm. Caverne Ed. CCSA CCSL Cels. Chabot Chronicle of Zuqnin Codex Zuqninensis CSCO CZuq De idol. Dial. Drei Könige Edges of Earth Acts of Andrew Acts of Peter Acts of Thomas Tertullian, Against the Jews Ante-Nicene Fathers Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt Josephus, Jewish Antiquities Apocalypse of Adam Apocalypse of Sedrach Apocrypha Hiberniae I: Euvangelia Infantiae, eds. M. McNamara et al. Arabic Infancy Gospel E. Herzfeld, Archaeological History of Iran Armenian Infancy Gospel MS Brit. Mus. Arundel 404 Ascension of Isaiah R.E. Brown, The Birth of the Messiah Bardaisan, Book of the Laws of Countries Solomon of Akhat, The Book of the Bee, ed. E.A.W. Budge Commentaire de la Caverne des trésors, ed. A. Su-Min Ri La caverne des trésors: les deux recensions syriaques, ed. A. SuMin Ri Corpus Christianorum Series Apocryphorum Corpus Christianorum Series Latina Origen, Against Celsus Chronicon anonymum Pseudo-Dionysianum vulgo dictum, I, ed. J.-B Chabot The Chronicle of Zuqnin, parts III and IV: A.D. 488-775, trans. A. Harrak Codex Zuqninensis rescriptus Veteris Testamenti, ed. E. Tisserant Corpus scriptorum christianorum orientalium Chronicle of Zuqnin Tertullian, Concerning Idolatry Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho H. Kehrer, Die heilige drei Könige in Literatur und Kunst J.S. Romm, The Edges of the Earth in Ancient Thought xi Ep. Apos. Epistula Apostolorum ETR Etudes Theologiques et Religieuses Évangiles latins de l’enfance J.-D. Kaestli, “Recherches nouvelles sur les ‘Évangiles latins de l’enfance’ de M R James et sur un récit apocryphe mal connu de la naissance de Jésus” Geogr. Strabo, Geography Gnostic Scriptures The Gnostic Scriptures, trans. B. Layton Gos. Phil. Gospel of Philip Gos. Thom. Gospel of Thomas Haer. Irenaeus, Against Heresies MS Hereford O.3.9 Hereford Hom. Matt. John Chrysostom, Homilies on Matthew Hom. Num. Origen, Homilies on Numbers HTR Harvard Theological Review Hyp. Arch. Hypostasis of the Archons Ign. Eph. Ignatius, To the Ephesians Inf. Gos. Thom. Infancy Gospel of Thomas JAC Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum Jos. Asen. Joseph and Aseneth Journey of Magi R.C. Trexler, The Journey of the Magi JSJ Journal for the Study of Judaism in the Persian, Hellenistic, and Roman Periods JTE Judas Thomas Episode (RevMagi 29:1-32:3) Kulturbegegnung G. Widengren, Iranische-semitische Kulturbegegnung in parthitscher Zeit Land ‘Seiris’ G.J. Reinink, “Das Land ‘Seiris’ (Šir) und das Volk der Serer in jüdischen und christlichen Traditionen” Latin Infancy Latin Infancy Gospels, ed. M.R. James LB Leabhar Breac Leben Jesu W. Bauer, Das Leben Jesu im Zeitalter der neutestamentlichen Apokryphen U. Monneret de Villard, Le leggende orientali sui Magi Leggende Orientali evangelici Mages Hellénisés J. Bidez and F. Cumont, Les mages hellénisés: Zoroastre, Ostanès, et Hystaspe d’après la tradition greque Magi and Star M.A. Screech, “The Magi and the Star (Matthew, 2)” W. Witakowski, “The Magi in Syriac Tradition” (1995 Magi in Syriac 1995 draft) Magi in Syriac 2007 W. Witakowski, “The Magi in Syriac Tradition” (2007 draft) Magi Persian Background A. Hultgård, “The Magi and the Star: The Persian Background in Texts and Iconography” Marc. Tertullian, Against Marcion Matthew 1-7 U. Luz, Matthew: A Commentary, vol. 1 xii MPseud NH NTA OCP Odes Sol. OIM Opus Imperfectum OTP Pecc. merit. PG Post. Prot. Jas. RevMagi Ritual Epicleses Serm. Seth Strom. T. Adam SeT SS Stern der Magier Syriac Chronicle Tullberg VC ZDMG ZKG Zoroastrianism Magi Pseudepigraphon (RevMagi 1:2-28:4a) Pliny the Elder, Natural History New Testament Apocrypha, eds. E. Hennecke and W. Schneemelcher Orientalia christiana periodica Odes of Solomon Opus Imperfectum in Matthaeum Opus imperfectum in Matthaeum. Praefatio, ed. J. van Banning Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, ed. J.H. Charlesworth Augustine, Guilt and Remission of Sins Patrologia graeca Philo, On the Posterity of Cain Protevangelium of James Revelation of the Magi C. Johnson, “Ritual Epicleses in the Greek Acts of Thomas” Augustine, Sermons A.F.J. Klijn, Seth in Jewish, Christian and Gnostic Literature Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies Testament of Adam Studi e Testi Scriptores Syri A. Kehl, “Der Stern der Magier: Zu §94 des lateinischen Kindheitsevangeliums der Arundel-Handschrift” W. Witakowski, The Syriac Chronicle of Pseudo-Dionysius of Tel-Mahre Dionysii Telmahharensis Chronici liber primus, ed. O.F. Tullberg Vigiliae christianae Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte M. Boyce and F. Grenet, Zoroastrianism under Macedonian and Roman Rule xiii Introduction—The Sages and the Star-Child: The Revelation of the Magi, An Ancient Christian Apocryphon Introduction The Sages and the Star-Child The Revelation of the Magi, An Ancient Christian Apocryphon I. The Magi from the East in the Ancient Christian Imagination Of the various characters appearing only in the infancy narratives of the canonical gospels, none have been the objects of such intense speculation as the Matthean Magi. Despite—or perhaps because of—the extreme paucity of detail in Matt 2:1-12, Christian commentators from antiquity to the present have attempted to answer every conceivable question about these mysterious visitors.1 Were these ma&goi magicians, astrologers, Zoroastrian priests, or something else entirely? From where in “the East” did they come? What were their names, and how many did they number? What was the nature of the star they saw, and how did they know its meaning? Why did they bring the Christ child gold, frankincense, and myrrh? What became of them after they departed from Bethlehem? Several different types of ancient sources exist that bear witness to this speculation. There are commentaries on the Gospel of Matthew, such as the anonymous fifth-century Opus Imperfectum in Matthaeum, a work having great significance for this study because of a legend it preserves about the Magi. There are homilies; one given by John Chrysostom (Hom. Matt. 6.2) berates members of his congregation for believing that the Magi story demonstrates the effectiveness of 1 In his magisterial but underutilized cataloguing of extracanonical Jesus traditions, W. Bauer considers the attention given to the Magi by exegetes to be a direct result of Matthew’s extremely sparse narrative: “Auf Details läßt er sich nicht ein. Hier bleibt Raum für die weiterbildende Legende. Sie hat sich dieses Feld der Betätigung nicht entgehen lassen, sondern es mit ebenso regem Eifer als verschiedenartigem Ertrag bestellt,” Leben Jesu, 74. For any underlined or italicized sources lacking full publication information, please refer to the list of short titles and abbreviations on pp. xi-xiii. 1 Introduction—The Sages and the Star-Child: The Revelation of the Magi, An Ancient Christian Apocryphon astrology. There are artistic representations, such as an image of three Magi in Persian dress bringing gifts to the Christ child and his mother, carved into the wooden doors of Santa Sabina in Rome.2 As a final example, there are narrative compositions, like the non-canonical infancy gospel known as the Protevangelium of James, where the Magi report to Herod that they saw a star so bright that it caused all other stars in the sky to disappear (Prot. Jas. 21:8). Among this diversity of witnesses, one exists that has received precious little scholarly attention, but is arguably the single richest document about the Magi produced in Christian antiquity. This composition, which this study calls the Revelation of the Magi (henceforth RevMagi),3 is a lengthy and complex apocryphon that purports to be the personal testimony of the Magi and provides their perspective on the coming of Christ. The text is only extant in Syriac, though a summary of the same basic narrative occurs in the Opus Imperfectum in Matthaeum (henceforth OIM),4 the aforementioned commentary on the Gospel of Matthew probably composed in the fifth century by an anonymous Arian theologian.5 An especially remarkable feature of the RevMagi is its frequent departure from some of the most common ancient See the plate of this image and the accompanying commentary in H. Kehrer’s foundational study on the iconography of the Magi, Drei Könige, 2:43-44. 3 The text has been so little-studied that there has not yet emerged a conventional name for it, and the Chronicle of Zuqnin, in which it is preserved, does not provide it with a concise title. The title used in this study derives from the first part of the introductory description given to the text by the author of the chronicle: “About the revelation of the Magi....” However, this is not the first time that the title “Revelation of the Magi” has been used for this work. Credit for that appears to go to G.J. Reinink, who refers to the text as “die Offenbarung der Magier,” Land ‘Seiris’, 75 n.8. 4 For the benefit of readers who choose not to read this study in its entirety, the most important abbreviations (e.g., RevMagi, OIM, etc.) will be explained at the time of their first mention in each chapter. 5 Although a critical edition of the OIM is being prepared for the CCSL series, at present the only text of its Magi narrative is that of Migne, PG 56, cols. 637-638. The editor of the CCSL edition, J. van Banning, has thus far published only an accounting of the MS tradition of the OIM, which is exceedingly complex. See his prefatory volume, Opus Imperfectum. 2 2 Introduction—The Sages and the Star-Child: The Revelation of the Magi, An Ancient Christian Apocryphon Christian interpretations of Matt 2:1-12. Here the Magi come not from Persia, but from a semi-legendary country in the Far East known as “Shir.” Their journey from their homeland to Bethlehem does not take two years — a supposition based on Matt 2:7 and 2:16 — but is accomplished in the blink of an eye by miraculous means. Most intriguing of all, the Magi’s star is not a star, a comet, a planetary conjunction, or even an angel, but Christ himself in celestial form—a star-child. The purpose of this study is to provide a critical introduction to this remarkable but neglected text. It includes an edition of the only surviving text of the RevMagi, an annotated English translation, and chapters analyzing its history of transmission, its exegetical relationship with foundational Christian writings, and its most pressing theological concerns. The introduction to this study addresses several preliminary issues: the manner in which the text of the RevMagi has been preserved; a summary of its entire narrative; an accounting of the previous history of scholarship; and an overview of the aims of each chapter in this study. II. The Chronicle of Zuqnin—Codex Vaticanus Syriacus 162 The only extant version of the RevMagi has been preserved in Syriac, although it is possible that major portions of the text were actually composed in Greek, as this study will suggest. In its received form, the RevMagi constitutes part of a worldchronicle dating from the late eighth century, a document known as the Chronicle of Zuqnin (henceforth CZuq), or, less accurately, as the Chronicle of Pseudo-Dionysius of Tel- 3 Introduction—The Sages and the Star-Child: The Revelation of the Magi, An Ancient Christian Apocryphon Mahre.6 Composed at the Zuqnin monastery in southeastern Turkey (near the present city of Diyarbakır),7 the CZuq incorporates a number of pre-existing writings of various genres in its compilation of the history of the world from creation up to its time of composition, 775-776 CE. It has simply inserted the entire RevMagi at the appropriate place in its chronological framework, without anything in the way of evaluative commentary. Apart from the text itself, the author of the CZuq, anonymous but probably a stylite named Joshua,8 has only added the descriptive phrases, “About the revelation of the Magi, and about their coming to Jerusalem, and about the gifts that they brought to Christ” (1:) at its beginning, and “The story about the Magi and their gifts has finished” (32:4) at its end. The CZuq itself is only extant in a single MS housed in the Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana, a witness catalogued as codex Vaticanus Syriacus 162. Until quite recently, the dominant scholarly opinion was that this MS was most likely a ninthcentury copy of the original chronicle, a judgment based upon paleographic grounds. In 1999, A. Harrak presented compelling evidence that this MS is actually the autograph of the CZuq, and indeed may well have been the only copy of the chronicle 6 The latter title is the product of J.S. Assemani, who believed that its author was the ninth-century Syrian patriarch Dionysius I of Tel-Mahre, a judgment that scholars have since discredited, giving rise to the appellation “Pseudo-Dionysius.” However, as A. Harrak observes, this identification has no clear basis and is quite misleading: “Moreover, Zuqnin as a concrete location seems somehow a more appropriate anchor for the anonymous Chronicle than a phantom author dubbed Pseudo-Dionysius. The latter is not only an imaginary person, but his name fosters confusion with the real Dionysius of Tell-Mahre, who had no connection whatsoever with the Zuqnin Chronicle,” Chronicle of Zuqnin, 3-4. 7 Although Assemani found the MS in Egypt, at the monastery of Saint Mary of the Syrians in the Desert of Scete, the production of the chronicle at the Zuqnin monastery is clear, since the author mentions that several monks “from our monastery of Zuqnin” died from a pestilence, ibid., 2-3. 8 Ibid, 4-8. 4 Introduction—The Sages and the Star-Child: The Revelation of the Magi, An Ancient Christian Apocryphon ever in existence.9 The MS is a palimpsest on vellum, with the Syriac text written over fragments of the Septuagint dating from the fifth to eighth centuries. The script is predominantly an unpointed Serto, although some letters resemble an Estrangelo script. The MS currently contains 179 folios, although E. Tisserant, the editor of the Greek fragments, believed that it originally included 190 folios.10 The dimensions of the folios vary, with measurements between 235 to 255 mm high and 150 to 165 mm wide. There are twenty quires in the extant MS, most of which are quinia, that is, groupings of ten folios. Although the text of the CZuq as a whole is generally well preserved, in numerous instances small pieces of folios are missing and the ink has vanished. These cases of damage to the MS have affected the text of the RevMagi in some places, but not severely. Portions of three folios at the end of the RevMagi — 24r, 24v, and 25r — have become largely illegible since the middle of the nineteenth century for reasons that are not clear. However, thanks to the editio princeps of the CZuq published by the Swedish scholar O.F. Tullberg in 1850,11 these sections are fairly secure; at the time of the 1927 edition prepared by J.-B. Chabot for the CSCO, these sections were so damaged that Chabot largely relied on the text as read by Tullberg. 9 Harrak makes two especially strong arguments for viewing the CZuq as an autograph. First, in several places there are blank spaces, as if the chronicler had intended to fill them in once he had acquired the missing information. Second, there are previously unnoticed annotations in the margins, which Harrak interpreted as memory-aids that the scribe wrote in order to remind himself to mention topics at a later point in the text. See his discussion of these features in ibid., 13-15. 10 See the introduction to his edition for codicological data pertaining to the MS, Codex Zuqninensis, vxv. 11 Tullberg published this edition, which includes only the first section of the chronicle (folios 2-43), with the assistance of 32 of his pupils; see Witakowski, Syriac Chronicle, 31. 5 Introduction—The Sages and the Star-Child: The Revelation of the Magi, An Ancient Christian Apocryphon The critical edition of the Syriac text of the RevMagi in this study does not contain any major improvements in the text beyond Tullberg and Chabot. However, in November 2004, the author was able to consult the MS in person at the Vatican Library, and observed that ultraviolet light was very beneficial for reading illegible portions of the MS. In a few cases, which are noted in the critical edition, the use of UV allowed for the restoration of readings that were unsatisfactory in previous editions of the CZuq. Regrettably, the author was only able to read approximately half of the text of the RevMagi with UV during the November 2004 consultation because of time constraints. Because the Vatican Library closed abruptly in July 2007 for renovations and its forecasted reopening date is fall of 2010, any conclusions about the precise readings of the MS should remain slightly tentative until a full examination of the MS with UV can be performed.12 III. A Summary of the Revelation of the Magi The text of the RevMagi is quite long: it numbers approximately 34 pages (920 lines) in the edition of Chabot, and 47 pages in the present edition. The summary presented here is intended only as a basic introduction to the narrative of the RevMagi, so the reader is encouraged to consult the annotated English translation for any passage about which further information is desired. The narrative begins by stating that it is the result of a revelatory discourse spoken by the Magi, who, the text states, are called by the name “Magi” in the language of their country because of their practice of silent 12 Although the Vatican Library has provided the author with a microfilm copy of the MS, the condition of the MS makes it extremely difficult to read even under optimal circumstances, and the microfilm is of absolutely no use in sections where the ink has faded. 6 Introduction—The Sages and the Star-Child: The Revelation of the Magi, An Ancient Christian Apocryphon prayer (1:2). The Magi are said to be both kings and wise men, and the text gives a patronymic list of their names (2:3). They live in the land of Shir, which is described as being at the easternmost edge of the inhabited world, at the shore of the great Ocean (2:4). They are descendents of Seth, the son of Adam and Eve, who received commandments from his father and wrote them in books, the first books which appeared in the history of the world (3:3-4). These books contained instructions for Seth’s offspring to wait for the appearance of a star, which would signal the birth of God in human form (4:2-10). In expectation of this event, on the twenty-fifth day of every month the Magi purify themselves in a sacred spring, and then on the first day of the next month they ascend their country’s most sacred mountain, the Mountain of Victories, to glorify God in silent prayer (5:2-7). After praying in silence upon the mountain’s pinnacle for two days, on the third of the month they enter the Cave of Treasures of Hidden Mysteries, where Seth’s books were kept and where treasures were housed in expectation of the star (5:8). When the rituals have ended and the Magi descend from the mountain, they instruct their families and the people of their country who wish to learn about their mysteries (5:9). The Magi carry on this ritual throughout the generations, with a son or a close family member taking the place of his father when the father has died (5:10). After the RevMagi introduces the Magi, their lineage, the prophecy of the star, and their ritual system, the flow of the narrative is interrupted by an excerpt from the books of revelation written by Seth (6:1-10:7). In this excerpt, Adam tells Seth about 7 Introduction—The Sages and the Star-Child: The Revelation of the Magi, An Ancient Christian Apocryphon the prophecy of the coming star, since he had seen it standing over the Tree of Life in the Garden of Eden before he sinned, at which point the star disappeared (6:2-3). Adam warns Seth not to obey Eve and the deceitful serpent as he did (8:8), predicts that at the end of time his lineage will be in rebellion (9:2-6), but promises that if Seth’s descendents ask for mercy, God will hear them (10:5-7). After this excerpt from the books of revelation, the text narrates the moment when the star appears to the Magi at the Mountain of Victories, just when they are gathering to commence their monthly rituals (11:3). The star appears in the sky, descends from the heavens, and enters the cave, inviting the Magi to come inside (12:35). In the cave, the star takes the form of a small and humble human being and tells the Magi that such a form is necessary for the inhabitants of the world to see the Son of the Father — indicating that this star-child is none other than Christ himself (13:1-2). Christ tells the Magi that he has been sent from the Father for the salvation of all humanity, and instructs them to follow the star to Bethlehem to see his birth in human form (13:8-13). As they set out for the journey, the Magi discuss what they saw in the cave, and learn that each of them witnessed Christ in a different form, each of which corresponds to a stage in Christ’s life (14:3-9). While they are marveling at this, a voice from heaven — revealed to be the Father himself — calls out to them and tells them that what they have seen is only a very small portion of the power of the Father and the Son (15:1-10). Once the Magi have gathered their traveling supplies, the star leads them on the journey to Judea, making the mountains and valleys level in front of them, relieving 8 Introduction—The Sages and the Star-Child: The Revelation of the Magi, An Ancient Christian Apocryphon their fatigue and increasing their food supply through the power of its light, and making the lengthy journey impossibly short (16:3-7). When they reach Jerusalem in the month of April, the star leads them into the city. Herod and the scribes ask the Magi why they have come, and the Magi say that the savior of the world is to be born in this region (17:1-3). Having been informed that this will take place in Bethlehem, the Magi again see their star and go on their way, scorning the blindness of the inhabitants of Jerusalem (17:6-8). At Bethlehem, the Magi find a cave, into which the star enters and transforms itself into a luminous infant (18:2-8). The child blesses them and commands them to be witnesses to the Gospel along with his disciples (19:1-6). As the Magi are exiting the cave, Mary and Joseph approach them, concerned that the impending departure of the star with the Magi means that the child who has just appeared in their house is being taken from them (22:2-5). After the Magi reassure Mary that the child is still in their house despite his continuing presence with the Magi in the form of the star (23:2-4), the child blesses Mary and tells her that his mission is the redemption of all humanity (25:1-4). The star leads the Magi on the journey back to their country, again miraculously refilling their food supply through its power (26:1-7). When they return to the land of Shir, the Magi tell the inhabitants of the wondrous visions and revelations which they saw, and they give the people some of the food that the star had supplied for them (27:1-11). The people eat the food, which immediately produces visions for them of the life of Christ, and many of the inhabitants convert to the faith proclaimed by the Magi (28:1-4). 9 Introduction—The Sages and the Star-Child: The Revelation of the Magi, An Ancient Christian Apocryphon After some time has passed, the Apostle Judas Thomas arrives in the land of the Magi and converts people to the faith of Jesus Christ through mighty deeds (29:1). When the Magi hear that he has arrived, they realize that he is one of the disciples about whom the Christ child had spoken (29:2). They go to him and tell him about the appearance of the star and their journey to Bethlehem, and Judas Thomas recognizes that they have received the gift of the Lord (29:3-4). He tells them of his experiences with the earthly Jesus, and the Magi ask him to give them the seal of the Lord (29:4-5). Early on Sunday morning, Judas Thomas leads the Magi to a spring, takes oil, and sings a hymn over it (30:1-9). He baptizes the Magi, and when they come up from the water, Christ descends to them from heaven in the form of a glorious youth (31:1). He produces a loaf of bread and gives it to Judas Thomas and to all of the Magi, proclaims to the Magi that their ancient mysteries have been accomplished, and ascends once more to heaven (31:2-3). At the closing of the RevMagi, Judas Thomas commissions the Magi to preach throughout the entire world (31:10), and they depart, doing mighty works and urging hearers to flee from the coming judgment of fire through faith in Christ (32:1-3). IV. History of Previous Scholarship The Magi narrative preserved in Latin in the OIM has been in the scholarly consciousness much longer than the Syriac text of the RevMagi, since it was thought to be a product of John Chrysostom and was transmitted with his works. In addition to entering the stream of medieval popular literature through its inclusion in the Legenda 10 Introduction—The Sages and the Star-Child: The Revelation of the Magi, An Ancient Christian Apocryphon Aurea, a compendium of religious lore compiled by Jacobus de Voragine, the Magi narrative of the OIM was also cited by such distinguished theologians as Thomas Aquinas and Albertus Magnus.13 It has only been in the past sixty years or so that the Syriac text of the RevMagi from the CZuq has become part of the scholarly discussion on this Magi narrative. Before the 1950s, the narrative from the OIM was discussed by a number of scholars in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, often adherents of the history-of-religions school.14 The chief interest of these scholars was in demonstrating Iranian influence on Christian traditions about the Magi, an interest that has not abated much in more recent research.15 Although the Syriac text of the RevMagi was published as part of the critical editions of the CZuq by Tullberg and Chabot, the latter of whom produced a Latin translation of the chronicle, neither editor analyzed the narrative in any detail. In 1952, U. Monneret de Villard, the great scholar of Islamic and Christian art and architecture, treated the RevMagi in his monograph about legends of the Magi in eastern Christianity, an invaluable study that has remained the most detailed analysis of the text.16 Although he generally agreed with the conclusions of earlier scholars about Zoroastrian influence on this Magi narrative, his chief contribution was a much more thorough approach to the texts of the legend than found in any previous research. For a more detailed discussion of the influence of the Magi narrative from the OIM in the medieval period and the Renaissance, see chapter 2, section II. 14 See E. Kuhn, “Eine zoroastrische Prophezeiung in christlichem Gewande,” in Festgruss an R. von Roth (ed. E. Kuhn; Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 1893), 61-66; W. Bousset, Hauptprobleme der Gnosis (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 1907); R. Reitzenstein, Die Vorgeschichte der christlichen Taufe (Leipzig and Berlin: Treubner, 1929), 45-49; G. Messina, “Una presunta profezia di Zoroastro sulla venuta del Messia,” Biblica 14 (1933): 170-198; E. Herzfeld, Archaeological Iran, 61-66; J. Bidez and F. Cumont, Mages Hellénisés, 2:118-120. 15 For criticism of this view, see chapter three, section III.C. 16 See his Leggendi Orientali. 13 11 Introduction—The Sages and the Star-Child: The Revelation of the Magi, An Ancient Christian Apocryphon Monneret de Villard was the first to recognize that the CZuq contained a much longer version of the legend from the OIM17 and the first to offer a rigorous comparison of the two texts. He theorized that the RevMagi contained interpolations not known in the OIM, but nevertheless considered the RevMagi to have several archaic elements.18 On the basis of this judgment, Monneret de Villard dated the received form of the Syriac RevMagi no later than the end of the fifth century.19 His monograph also includes an Italian translation of the text, which was prepared by G. Levi Della Vida.20 Based on the editio princeps of Tullberg, Levi Della Vida’s translation was the first of the RevMagi into a modern research language. Starting a few years after the study of Monneret de Villard, the Swedish historyof-religions scholar G. Widengren began to argue for an Iranian background to the RevMagi. However, Widengren further claimed that the Matthean story of the Magi was in fact based upon a Zoroastrian prophecy that a star would signal the birth of the Saoshyant, a savior-figure descended from Zarathustra. As evidence for this preChristian belief, Widengren contended that the RevMagi was, in fact, only a looselychristianized form of this tradition.21 Although his theory about the origins of Matt Monneret de Villard describes the failure of previous scholars to recognize this parallel as follows: “Nessuno studioso si è posto, per quanto mi sia noto, nè quindi tanto meno ha cercato di risolvere il problema del dove l’anonimo autore dell’Opus imperfectum abbia attinto le sue notizie. Debbo dire che esse si trovano tutte in un testo siriaco [i.e., the RevMagi] noto ed arcinoto dai tempi dell’Assemani e di cui la parte che ci interessa è stata anche stampata da poco più di un secolo. Ma nessuno fra quanti hanno scritto e dissertato intorno al passo dell’Opus imperfectum relativo ai Magi si è data la pena di fare delle ricerche, di ritrovare l’edizione a stampa di tale testo e di leggerla,” ibid., 26. 18 Ibid., 53. 19 Ibid., 68. 20 Ibid., 27-49. 21 The fullest form of Widengren’s thesis is in his Kulturbegegnung, 62-86; he summarized it and added further arguments in his Die Religionen Irans (Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 1965), 207-227 and his Les religions de l’Iran (Paris: Payot, 1968), 235-243. 17 12 Introduction—The Sages and the Star-Child: The Revelation of the Magi, An Ancient Christian Apocryphon 2:1-12 has been strongly criticized by J. Duchesne-Guillemin,22 he did not contest the claim of Widengren and others of Zoroastrian influence on the RevMagi. In 1975, two scholars published articles that did not have the RevMagi itself as their central concern, but were nevertheless important contributions to the study of the text. G.J. Reinink analyzed Jewish, Christian, and pagan traditions about a land called “Seiris,” included the information about the land of Shir from the RevMagi, and suggested that the received form of the text contained multiple sources. Although Reinink only made his observations in a footnote and did not offer much elaboration, he suspected that the text included three originally separate documents: a Magi “wesource,” a revelation of Adam to Seth, and a story about Judas Thomas. Despite this piecemeal character, he considered the extant text to be a unified composition.23 Although the present study does not consider the revelation of Adam to Seth a separate source,24 and also views the received form as less unified than Reinink would See J. Duchesne-Guillemin, “Die Magier in Betlehem und Mithras als Erlöser?” ZDMG 11 (1961): 469475; see also his “Die drei Weisen aus dem Morgenlande und die Anbetung der Zeit,” Antaios 7 (1965): 234-243. 23 Reinink, Land ‘Seiris’, 75 n.13, notes: “Obwohl der Abschnitt grössenteils dargestellt wird als eine Geschichte, die von Magiern erzählt wird, erweist sie sich nicht ganz und gar einheitlich. Plötzlich fangen die Magier an zu reden (Chabot, S. 59) [=RevMagi 3:6 in the present study] und ebenso plötzlich wird der “Wir-Bericht” unterbrochen durch die Offenbarung Adams an Seth, die eingeleitet wird mit den Worden: “wiederum aus den Büchern, die sich in der Schatzhöhle befanden” (Chabot, S. 62-65) [=RevMagi 6:1]. Auch im Schlussteil findet eine Verschiebung statt. Die Erzähler sind nicht mehr die Magier in der Geschichte von ihrer Begegnung mit Judas Thomas (Chabot, S. 86ff.) [=RevMagi 29:1-32:3]. Das Ganze erweckt den Eindruck, es sei zusammengesetzt aus mehreren Quellen (u.a. eine MagierGeschichte im “Wir-Stil”, eine Offenbarung Adams an Seth und eine Judas Thomas-Geschichte). Dennoch muss es in der vorliegenden Form als eine Einheit betrachtet werden. Adams Offenbarung is mit dem vorhergehenden Teil durch die Erscheinung des Lichtes im Paradies verknüpft, und mit dem folgenden durch die Mitteilung, dass die Magier während ihres monatlichen Besuches der Schatzhöhle in der von Seth geschriebenen Schrift lesen.” 24 The introduction of the excerpt from the final revelation of Adam to Seth, though indeed abrupt, is still narrated by the Magi: “Again, from the books that were in the Cave of Treasures of Hidden Mysteries: every word that our father Adam, the beginning of our great lineage,” (RevMagi 6:1). While there are certainly some traditions in this section that are much older than the RevMagi, there is no obvious reason to suspect it as separate composition from the rest of the first-person plural narrative. 22 13 Introduction—The Sages and the Star-Child: The Revelation of the Magi, An Ancient Christian Apocryphon suggest,25 this author nevertheless strongly agrees with his belief that the Syriac text of the RevMagi contains several independent compositions. A second article, by A. Kehl, compared the RevMagi with an episode contained in an apocryphal infancy gospel known from Latin and Irish witnesses, which M.R. James had previously isolated and termed the “New Source.”26 Kehl recognized that, in its description of the Magi’s star, this infancy gospel contained numerous striking agreements with the RevMagi, and argued that use of the RevMagi could help illuminate sections of the “New Source” that had become corrupted through the transmission of the text. For the purposes of the present study, Kehl’s article has been extremely valuable as a starting-point for studying the connections between these texts. There are a number of other remarkable parallels between the RevMagi and the “New Source” beyond those identified by Kehl, and the apparent antiquity of the “New Source” is a help in establishing a possible date of composition for portions of the RevMagi.27 Within the last ten years, two scholars from the University of Uppsala — the institution at which Widengren taught — have also discussed the RevMagi in separate publications. In a 1998 article, A. Hultgård summarized and allied himself with the thesis of Widengren about an Iranian basis for both the RevMagi and the Matthean story of the Magi, but did not add much new insight to the study of the text.28 Much more helpful and extensive have been the contributions of W. Witakowski. Witakowski first addressed the RevMagi briefly in his doctoral thesis on the CZuq and 25 As argued in chapter three, section II.C, the transition between the first-person narrative and the thirdperson Judas Thomas material is quite unskillful, with several obvious redactional seams. 26 See A. Kehl, Stern der Magier; M.R. James, Latin Infancy. 27 See chapter three, section III.B, for a detailed discussion of the similarities between these two writings. 28 See his Magi Persian Background. 14 Introduction—The Sages and the Star-Child: The Revelation of the Magi, An Ancient Christian Apocryphon its historiographical methodology.29 In 2003 he published a Polish translation of the RevMagi with introduction and commentary as part of an anthology of apocryphal Christian writings,30 and he also has an article on traditions of the Magi in Syriac Christianity forthcoming, of which he was kind enough to provide the author with a copy.31 In this article, he argues that the date for the RevMagi proposed by Monneret de Villard, no earlier than the end of the fifth century, was perhaps too late because the text views the Holy Spirit as grammatically feminine. The very earliest Syriac Christian literature from the second century refers to the Holy Spirit as a feminine entity, and this tendency did not die out until the very end of the fifth century.32 In concluding this overview of previous scholarship, one of the most outstanding features of earlier research is the extent to which questions of Zoroastrian influence dominated the study of the RevMagi.33 This is rather curious, as there are no blatantly obvious Iranian features in the text other than the list of the Magi’s names in 2:3, and even this appears to be an interpolation.34 The text does not claim the Magi to be Zoroastrian priests, to reside in Persia, or anything else that would distinctly mark See his Syriac Chronicle, 113-114, 152-154. W. Witakowski, ‘Syryjska Opowiesc o Magach’, przeklad i opracowanie, [The Syriac Story of the Magi, transl. (into Polish) with a commentary],” in Apokryfy Nowego Testamentu: Ewangelie apokryficzne, czesc 1: Fragmenty, narodzenie i dziecinstwo Maryi I Jezusa [New Testament Apocrypha: Apocryphal Gospels, I: Fragments, Nativity and childhood of Jesus and Mary], (ed. M. Starowieyskiego; Kraków: Wydawnictwo WAM, 2003), 352-383. This document is also available online at: http://www.opoka.org.pl/biblioteka/T/TB/apokryfy-08.html (under section d.). 31 See his Magi in Syriac 2007. See also his “The Magi in Ethiopic Tradition,” Aethiopica 2 (1999): 69-89, where he argues that much of the Ethiopic material on the Magi has come through Syriac channels. 32 Magi in Syriac 2007, 5-6. 33 This tendency is apparently still prevalent in very recent work. A.M. Schilling, who studies Christianity in its Persian context, considers the RevMagi to derive from this milieu. See his forthcoming Die Anbetung der Magier und die Taufe der Sasaniden: zur Geistesgeschichte des iranischen Christentums in der Spätantike (Leuven: Peeters, 2006). 34 For evidence in favor of viewing this set of names as a rather late interpolation into the text, see the note in the English translation ad loc. 30 29 15 Introduction—The Sages and the Star-Child: The Revelation of the Magi, An Ancient Christian Apocryphon its provenance as Iranian. The most recent scholarship on the text has simply repeated the judgment of an Iranian influence, adding hardly any supplementary evidence to this claim. As a result, basic questions about the redactional history of the text, its interaction with other Christian writings, and its predominant theological emphases have remained sorely neglected. V. Overview of Chapters The present study aims to mitigate the narrow focus of previous scholarship on the RevMagi by performing two fundamental and indispensable tasks: establishing the text of this apocryphon as best as it can be discerned, and tracing the prehistory of the text prior to its appearance in the CZuq in the late eighth century. Building upon these foundations, this study will then address some of the most distinctive literary and theological elements of the RevMagi. Because this text is extraordinarily rich, there will undoubtedly be some features that will not receive deserved attention; however, one goal of this study is to provide a basis by which future scholars can explore other aspects of and offer different theories about the RevMagi than those presented here. The study is divided into five chapters. The first chapter is a doublet: 1A presents a critical edition of the Syriac text of the RevMagi, while 1B is an annotated English translation, the first of its kind for this text. The critical edition of the Syriac utilizes the previous editions of the CZuq by Tullberg and Chabot, along with the author’s first-hand observations of the MS, and also supplies vowels, a feature lacking in Tullberg and Chabot. A preface to the critical edition lays out the editorial 16 Introduction—The Sages and the Star-Child: The Revelation of the Magi, An Ancient Christian Apocryphon principles adopted, and explains the sigla and abbreviations used in the edition. The English translation is fairly literal; while this does not always make for the most pleasant reading, it provides researchers not proficient in Syriac with a solid representation of the sometimes prolix style of the text. The system of detailed notes in the translation aims to be, in effect, a mini-commentary. In addition to interpreting noteworthy aspects of the text, it also includes literary parallels from other ancient writings, discussion of textual problems, and cross-references both to other parts of the translation and to other places in the study where a given topic is addressed in more detail. The second chapter analyzes the relationship between the Syriac version of the RevMagi and its closest parallel from antiquity, the Magi narrative found in the OIM, an anonymous commentary on the Gospel of Matthew from the fifth century. Such a comparison is essential, and not only because the narrative from the OIM is the only other ancient text to show an extensive awareness of this particular legend about the Magi. In addition, scholars have frequently viewed the OIM and the Syriac text of the RevMagi as interchangeable, when, in fact, there are some differences in their respective narratives. After a brief discussion of the influence of the Magi narrative contained in this text on medieval and Renaissance Christianity, the chapter reproduces the Latin text of this narrative as found in Migne, provides the first English translation of this text, and offers a synoptic comparison of the OIM narrative with the Syriac text from the CZuq. Although several scholars have contended that the version represented in the OIM derives from a shorter, more archaic version than the received Syriac, this 17 Introduction—The Sages and the Star-Child: The Revelation of the Magi, An Ancient Christian Apocryphon chapter argues that there are no compelling reasons to believe this. On the contrary, the OIM seems to be a witness to a Greek version of the RevMagi that is generally equivalent in length to the extant Syriac version, despite some relatively minor differences in narrative details. The third chapter of this study attempts to reconstruct the prehistory of the RevMagi prior to its fifth-century form as witnessed by the OIM, namely a Greek recension that was translated from a largely identical Syriac version. The first part of the chapter argues that the Judas Thomas episode (henceforth JTE), the final four chapters of the text, is a redactional addition to a more archaic section of the RevMagi. Unlike the majority of the text, which is narrated in the first-person plural, from the perspective of the Magi themselves, the JTE is in the third person. Additionally, the JTE involves a much more overt christianization of the Magi than the first-person section, where they become intimately associated with Christ, but never use traditional Christian terminology. The JTE was probably composed in the third or fourth century, most likely in Edessa or another center of Syriac Christianity, for the purpose of domesticating the pre-existing form of the RevMagi. The second part of the third chapter analyzes this earlier text, a pseudepigraphon purporting to be the personal testimony of the Magi on the coming of Christ (henceforth the MPseud). The MPseud probably dates from the late second or early third century; and since it demonstrates no features typical of Syriac Christianity, it may very well have been composed in Greek. This approximate date is due to the striking similarities that the MPseud has with an archaic infancy gospel isolated by M.R. 18 Introduction—The Sages and the Star-Child: The Revelation of the Magi, An Ancient Christian Apocryphon James, which itself likely dates from the middle of the second century. Moreover, the MPseud is one of a small number of apologetic Christian texts purporting to be the product of a non-Christian witness to the truth of Christianity. Other examples of this genre, such as the Acts of Pilate and the Abgar correspondence preserved by Eusebius, date from the late second and early third century, so a date in this range for the Magi pseudepigraphon seems justifiable. The following stemma demonstrates this study’s proposed reconstruction of the history of transmission of the RevMagi. First-Person Magi Pseudepigraphon (Greek or Syriac) Late Second / Early Third Century Syriac Translation and/or Redaction (Addition of Judas Thomas material) Third / Early Fourth Century Interpolated Greek Version Mid Fourth Century Syriac Version Used by CZuq Late Eighth Century Version Used by OIM Mid Fifth Century The fourth chapter of this study considers the reshaping of biblical resources in the RevMagi. Not only has such a topic never been taken up with respect to the RevMagi; apocryphal Christian literature in general has not received much attention as 19 Introduction—The Sages and the Star-Child: The Revelation of the Magi, An Ancient Christian Apocryphon a site of early biblical interpretation. While the Matthean story of the Magi is obviously the sine qua non for this text, the RevMagi is by no means slavish in its use of this foundational writing. Instead, the RevMagi interprets Matthew’s legend with primary recourse to the language and theology of the Gospel of John. For the RevMagi, the star of Bethlehem is actually the pre-existent Christ, the literal representation of the Johannine “light of the world.” In addition to this novel exegetical blending of the First and Fourth Gospels, the RevMagi also displays a complex relationship with the Hebrew Scriptures. Although it stridently criticizes Jews and Judaism for a failure to recognize its ancient prophecies as references to Christ, it depicts the journey of the Magi to Bethlehem as the perfection and fulfillment of historical and prophetic Jewish writings. The fifth and final chapter explores an intriguing theological issue latent in the narrative of the RevMagi. The text demonstrates two different mechanisms by which the diffusion of the Christian religion can take place: divine universal revelation and human missionary activity. The first of these mechanisms has an extremely robust view of Christ’s ability to reveal himself to individuals in the far reaches of the earth without any human mediation, while the second is a much more traditional conception, in which the spread of the Gospel depends primarily upon human agents. Although these two modes of diffusion are not necessarily irreconcilable opposites, the idea of divine universal revelation expressed in the RevMagi is remarkable because there are hardly any analogues to it in other ancient Christian writings. Furthermore, according to the RevMagi, divine universal revelation has important implications for 20 Introduction—The Sages and the Star-Child: The Revelation of the Magi, An Ancient Christian Apocryphon understanding the ultimate origins of religious diversity. Because Christ is both omnipotent and omnipresent, the RevMagi suggests that he has been the wellspring for the faiths of people throughout the entire inhabited world. 21 Chapter One—Syriac Text and English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi Chapter One Syriac Text and English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi 22 Chapter 1A—Preface to the Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi Preface to the Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi This edition of the Syriac text of the RevMagi as found in Vaticanus Syriacus 162 relies upon three principal sources, listed here in order of their importance: the 1850 edition of Tullberg, the 1927 edition of Chabot, and my first-hand observation of the MS at the Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana in November of 2004. Because of the significant deterioration in the MS that took place in the period between Tullberg and Chabot, Tullberg is extremely valuable for the quality of his readings, many of which Chabot has followed. However, Chabot also corrects a number of errors in Tullberg, evaluates the emendations of Tullberg against his own consultation of the MS, proposes unique emendations, and, unlike Tullberg, documents the corrections made to the MS by a later scribal hand or hands. My own consultation, despite the further deterioration in the MS, used ultraviolet light (not yet widely available at the time of Chabot) to improve upon several readings that remained uncertain in the previous editions. However, time limitations allowed only for reading approximately the first half of the RevMagi under UV light, and the abrupt closure of the Vatican Library in July of 2007 for renovation made any further work on the MS impossible at this stage of my research. Consequently, my first-hand observations of Vaticanus Syriacus 162 are much less valuable to the present edition than are Tullberg and Chabot. The text of the RevMagi in this edition weighs the evidence of these three sources as judiciously as possible. In cases of textual difficulty, the apparatus criticus at the bottom of each page of the edition succinctly identifies the source of the preferred reading and records the evidence for alternative readings. Because Chabot agrees with 23 Chapter 1A—Preface to the Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi Tullberg for such a large percentage of readings, the apparatus only mentions the reading of Chabot when it offers further information than that contained in Tullberg. Similarly, the apparatus only mentions my own readings when they provide information beyond that of both Tullberg and Chabot. Before explaining the sigla and abbreviations used in this edition, several other miscellaneous matters deserve brief comment. Although codex Vaticanus Syriacus 162 is written in an unvocalized Serto script, this edition uses a Serto script1 with vowel points, which allows for faster reading and clarifies my editorial decisions in the case of words having identical consonants. Despite the vocalizing of the text, this edition has retained the diacritical points as written in the Chronicle of Zuqnin in order to facilitate scholarly interaction with the text. For consistency, the punctuation follows Tullberg; even though the MS differs from the punctuation of Tullberg, it is impossible to accurately document the punctuation of the MS for the entire text on the basis of microfilm, which is currently the only means of viewing the MS. 1. Symbols and Abbreviations used in the Apparatus Criticus Z – a reading of Vaticanus Syriacus 162 as documented by Tullberg or Chabot, or by observation of the MS by the unaided eye Z* – a reading of the MS written by the original scribe Z1 – a reading of the MS from a later hand, which attempts to correct the original The specific Syriac font used in this edition is “Serto Jerusalem,” with the exception of the title, for which “Estrangelo Antioch” is used. They are from the MELTHO collection of fonts produced by Beth Mardutho: The Syriac Institute [www.BethMardutho.org]. 1 24 Chapter 1A—Preface to the Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi Zuv – a reading of the MS visible only through the use of ultraviolet light (Note: an entry in the apparatus will never contain both Z and Zuv; the presence of the siglum Zuv assumes the illegibility of the MS with the unaided eye) T – a reading of the edition of Tullberg from 1850, either representing a non-extant reading of the MS or an emendation of the MS C – a reading of the edition of Chabot from 1927, either correcting a reading of T or emending the reading of the MS In order to provide more information about the nature of the witnesses, the apparatus criticus also contains a number of Latin abbreviations used in the textual criticism of the Greek New Testament and other ancient texts. These include: cj = conjectures (i.e., an editor changes an existing word in the MS or adds a word not present in the MS) corr = corrects (i.e., an editor has supplied the correct grammatical or orthographic form of a word in the MS) deest = not present (i.e., the MS lacks a word/words that an editor has conjectured, to be distinguished from cases where the MS is damaged) illeg = illegible (i.e., the ink has faded) mut = mutilated (i.e., a piece of the MS has disappeared) sic = thus (i.e., this is indeed the reading of the MS and is not an editorial error) vel = or (i.e., an editor cannot decide between several possible readings of the MS) vid = appears (i.e., a reading that is not certain because of the condition or inaccessibility of the manuscript, to be distinguished from cj) Note 1: Entries in the apparatus that only provide a Latin abbreviation as the source of the preferred reading (e.g., corr or cj) without an accompanying siglum indicate that I have proposed an emendation not found in either of the previous editions (see example 3.iii below). Note 2: In documenting the readings of Tullberg, I have only added the abbreviations corr or cj where Tullberg explicitly indicates that he has made an emendation (even if Chabot refers to the editorial decision of Tullberg as a correction or conjecture). 2. Symbols used in the Main Text a ‫ – ܓ ܽ ̈ܶ ܐ‬a superscripted letter following a word indicates the presence of a variant reading, found in the apparatus at the corresponding letter. 25 Chapter 1A—Preface to the Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi a ‫ܳܐ‬ ܰ ܶ ‫ – ] ܓ ܽ ̈ܶ ܐ‬a series of words enclosed by a bracket at the beginning and a superscripted letter at the end indicates a variant or textual problem encompassing multiple words. [‫ – ]ـ ـ ـ‬a dash or series of dashes enclosed by brackets indicates a portion of the manuscript that is illegible or missing, with each dash representing one word. Thus, this would indicate a lacuna of three words (Note: I have followed the edition of Chabot for the number of words missing; although Tullberg uses dashes in his text to indicate lacunae, he does not seem to be particularly consistent in representing one word with one dash). < f.17r > – letters and numbers enclosed by arrow brackets indicate the beginning of a new folio in the MS, in this case folio 17 recto. 12:3 – An elevated number represents the chapter and verse of the text, a system of division not present in the MS that I have created for this edition and translation. 3. Explanations of Sample Apparatus Entries i. T | Z illeg This entry, which occurs frequently, indicates that a portion of the MS is now illegible, and that the reading of the MS must be supplied by Tullberg. ii. C cj | Z ‫ | ܘ̈ܪ ܘܬܐ ܒ ̈ ܐ‬T cj ‫ܘ̈ܪܘ ܐ ܒ ̈ ܐ‬ This entry from 16:6 indicates that I have adopted the conjecture of Chabot against both the reading of the MS and the (explicit) conjecture of Tullberg. ‫ܕ‬ |T ‫ܐܕ‬ iii. corr | C Z vid This entry from 2:1 indicates that I have offered a correction for a reading of the MS that is represented in a grammatically incorrect form in both Chabot and Tullberg. Since my notes from the 2004 consultation of the MS do not mention a discrepancy from the reading of Chabot at this point (I did not have Tullberg during the consultation), this suggests that the MS contains the reading of Chabot. 26 ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫∗‬ ‫̈ܐ‬ ‫ܐܕ ܓ‬ ‫ܓ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫1:1‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܶ ܺ ܗܘܢ ܕ ܽܘܪ ] ܶ . ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫̈ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܐ ]ܒ‬ ‫̈ܰ‬ ‫ܓ ـ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܰܕ ܓ ܽ ̈ܶ ܐ ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫>‪<f. 17r‬‬ ‫ܳ ‪ܶ ܰ ܶ ܳ ܶ̈ ܶ ܳ ̈ ܶ b‬‬ ‫̱ ـ ܕܓ ـ ܐ ܘ ܘ ܕ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̈ ܓ ܽ ܶ ܐ܇ ܒ ܶ ܳ ܶ ܰܕܐܬܪܐ ]ܗܘ.‬ ‫ܱ̇‬ ‫ܰ ܺ ـ ܳ ܐ.‪ܰ 1:2 a‬‬ ‫ܳ ܐ ܰܪܒ ܳ ܐ ܶܕܐܬ ܺ‬ ‫̣‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ̈ܪܒ ܶܐ ܰܕܐ‬ ‫ܶ ܐ‪ c‬ܕ ܰ‬ ‫̈ܰ‬ ‫ܰܕܒ ܶ ܳ ܐ‪ d‬ܕ‬ ‫ܳܳ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܒ ܺ ـ ܗܘܘ ܰܘ ܰ ܶ . 3:1 ܰܘܒ ܶ ܳ ܐ ܰܘܒ ܰ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܒ ܽ ܬܐ ܶ ܳ ܐ ܘ ܰ ܺ ܐ ܕ ܳ ܶ ܐ ܰ ݂̈ܐ. ܒܐ ܰ ܺ ܳ ܐ ܰܘ ܰ ܒ ܳ ܐ. ܰܕ ܶ ܐ ܒ ܺ ܳ ܐ ܰܪܒܐ‬ ‫ܰ ܒ ܺ ـ ‪ e‬ܗܘܘ ܰܘ ܰ ܶ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫̈ܰ ܒ ܇ 4:1ܘ ܳ ̇ ܴ ܶ ܶ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܕܐ̱ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܺ ܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰܕܨܒܐ ܘܐ ܰ ܝ ܰܕܨܒܐ. ] ܰܘܒ ܰ ̇ ܱ ܕܨܒܐ.‪1:5 f‬ܘ ܳ ܳ ܺ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ‬ ‫̇ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܺ ܐ ܰ ܰ ܰܪܒ ܽ ܬܗ. ܐܶ ݂ ܰܐ ܕ ܳ ܐ ܶܐ ܶ‬ ‫ܶܒ ܳ ܳܐ‬ ‫ܴ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܕ ܶ ܺ ـ ܰܕ ܰ ܒ ܽ ܢ ܶ ܰ ܗܒ ܐ ܕܪܒ ܽ ܬܗ.‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ܳ ܽ ܬܗ.‬ ‫ܕ ܰ ܶ ܇ ܰܘ ܰ ܰ ܘ ܰ ܺ‬ ‫ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܗܝ ܐ ܺܕܐ ܘܗܝ. ܐ ܴ ܐ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫̈ ܰ ܗܝ ̈ ܳ ـ ݂ܶܐ ܘ ܬ ̈ ݂ܶܐ.‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̈ ܶ ܐ܁ ܐ‬ ‫ܕܪܒ ܽ ܬܗ܇ ܕܬܓ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܺ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ ܕ ܰ ܓ ̇ ܐܐ ܗܝ܆ ܘ ܳ ܰ ܶ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫1:2 ܺܐ ܰ ܽܘܢ ܗܘܘ ܗ ܺ‬ ‫ܗ ܽ ܢ ̈ܰ ܺ ܶ ܐ ܕ ܶ ܶ ܗܘܘ ̈ ܓ ܽ ܶ ܐ ܒ ܶ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫̱ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܴ̇‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܰܕܒ ܶ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܳ ܇ ܰ ܒ ܺ ـ ܗܘܘ ] ܳ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܽ .‪ ܱ ̇ g‬ܘ ܰܕܒ ܶ ܗ‬ ‫ܕܐܬܪܐ܆‬ ‫̱‬ ‫∗‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫.‪This title is my own and does not appear in the MS‬‬ ‫‪T | Z mut‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪corr | Z‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‪T cj | Z mut‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪T | Z mut‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪f‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪g‬‬ ‫‪corr | C Z vid‬‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫‪|T‬‬ ‫ܐܕ‬ ‫72‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܶ ܳܘܐ. 2:2ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶܨܒ ܳ ܶ ܰܕܐܒܐ‬ ‫ܰ ܺ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܽ ܒ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰܕܗܘܐ ܘ ܳ ܐܡ ܘ ܽ‬ ‫݂ ܳ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܬܘܒ ̇ ܱ ܰܕ ܽ ܡ‬ ‫ܶ ݂ܐ ܗ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̈ܰ‬ ‫ܺܕܐ ܰ ܘܗܝ ܘ ܽ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܘܒ ܶ ܒ ܳ ܶ ܇ ܗܘܐ ܽ‬ ‫݂ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܶ ܡ ܕܗܘܐ ܒ ܶ ܶܨܒ ܳ ܶ . ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܴ̇ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ̈ ܽܘܢ ܕ ܰ ̈ ܶ ܐ܁ ܘ‬ ‫ܘܩ. ܐܘ‬ ‫ܘ. ܐܪ‬ ‫3:2‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܗܘܘ. ܙܗܪܘ ܕ ܒ ܐܪ ܒ .‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܪܘܩ. ܙܪܘ ܒ ܘܕܘܕ.‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܪܘܩ ܒ‬ ‫ܘܢ.‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫܀‬ ‫ܕܽ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܙܦ ܒ ܓ ܕ . ܐܪ‬ ‫.ܐ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܗܘܪ ܕ ܒ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܐܪ ݂ ܘ ܒ‬ ‫݂ܗܘ‬ ‫ܺ ܰ ܽ ̈ܰ‬ ‫ܐ ܘܢ‬ ‫.ܐ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܒ ܙܢ ܒ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܘܕܟ ܒ ܒ‬ ‫. 4:2ܗ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳܐ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܫ ܒ ܨ ܒ . ܪܕ ـ ܒ ܒ ܢ.‬ ‫̈ܰ‬ ‫̈ܰ‬ ‫ܶܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܶ ܐ ܰ ̈ ܳ ܶܐ ܒܐܪ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܺ . ]ܺܕܐ ܶ ̇ ܒ ܳ ܳ ܐ‪ a‬ܕ ܽ ܳ ̇ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܱ̇‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ݂ ܳ ܐ. ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ̇ ܰܕܐܪ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܰ ܳ ܒܐ ܰܕܒ ̈ܰ ܳ ܳ ܐ. ܽܘ ܺ ܰ ܳ ܣ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܰܪܒܐ ܰܕ ܒ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܺ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܒ ̇ ܳܳܐܕܡ ܰܪܒܐ ܘܪ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܽ‬ ‫̱ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫‪ b‬ܗܘܘ ̈ ܳ ܶ ܘ ̈ ܽ ܶ ܐ. ܳܘܐܦ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܶ ܰ ܇ ܶ ܺ ‪ d‬ܒ ܐܒ ܽ ܢ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܕ ܽ ܕ܇ ܗܝ ܕ ܳ ܒ‬ ‫ܴ̇‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ ܐ ̇ ܱ ݂ܒ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫ܳ ܐ. 5:2ܘܗ ܽ ܢ ܗ ܶ‬ ‫݂ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̈ܰ ܽܘܢ. 6:2 ܳܐܦ ܳܕܪܐ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܒ ܳܐ ܕ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ̈ܶ‬ ‫ܰܳ‬ ‫ܒܐ ܶ ܐܒ‬ ‫ܳܳ ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܐܕܡ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫‪f‬‬ ‫̈ܰ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒܰ‬ ‫ܳ ̱ܳ‬ ‫ܳܳ‬ ‫ܰܕܓ ݂ ܗܘܐ ܶ ܐܕܡ‬ ‫ܰ ܽ ܶ ܰ ܳ ܳ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܪܒ ܬܗ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܳܕܪܐ ܰ ܒ‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳܳ‬ ‫ܒ ܶ ܗ ܰ ݂ܗ ܳܘܐ ܶ . 7:2ܘܒ ܶ ܩ ܶ ܐܕܡ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫‪f‬‬ ‫ܐ ‪T corr | Z‬‬ ‫‪Z |Z‬‬ ‫‪Z |Z‬‬ ‫‪T|Z‬‬ ‫‪T|Z‬‬ ‫‪T|Z‬‬ ‫1‬ ‫1‬ ‫*‬ ‫*‬ ‫ܐ ܘܗܝ ܒ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫82‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܒ ܶ ܗ܆ ܕ ܶ ܒ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܰܕ ܳ ܐ. ܘܙܗܪܗ‬ ‫ܶܗ ܕ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܽ ܳܳ : ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܶܒ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳܐܦ ܗ ܽܘ ܰ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܶ ܳ‬ ‫ܺ ܐ ܽ ܬܐ ܐ ܳ ܬܗ ܳܕܐܕܡ.‬ ‫ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܬܐ܆ ܐܦ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ ܰܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܳ ܶ ܺ ‪ܰ b‬ܕܐܒ ܽ ܗܝ ܒ ܶ ܒܐ ܰܕ ܳ ܐ. ܘܐܙܕܗܪ ܒ ܰ‬ ‫1:3ܘ ܰ ܒ‬ ‫̱݂‬ ‫ܶ ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܒ ܰ ܗܒ ܶ ܗ ܕ ܶ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܳ ܶ ܐ ܰܪܒ ܽ ܬܐ. 2:3ܘܐܬ ܶ ܒ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܺ ܆‪ c‬ܕ ܶ ܽ ܡ ܒ ܒܐ ܘ ܰ ܰܕܥ‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰ ܳܐ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܒܐ ܰܕܪ ܺ‬ ‫ܕܒ ܳ ܐ ̈ܰ ـ ܶܐ.‪3:3 d‬ܘ ܶ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫‪f‬‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܕ ܳ ܳܐ ܳ ܶ ܐ ܽ‬ ‫ܒ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܐ܆ ܘ ܶ ܶ ܐ ܒ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܕ ܶ ܳ ܳ ܐ. 4:3ܰܘܐ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܐܬ ܺ ܝ ܳ ܒܐ ܒ ܳ ܳ ܐ܇ ܰܕܪ ܺ‬ ‫ܺ ܝ ܳܐܦ ݂ܗ ܽܘ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܶ ]ܒ ܶ ܶ .‬ ‫ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܰܪܘ̈ܪܒ ܗ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܐ ܽ ܚ܇ ܗܘ ܶܕܐ ܰ ܳܐܦ ܗܽܘ ܺ ܐ ܳ ܇ ܘܐܬ ݂ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ̱ ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ̈ܪܘܗܝ܆ ܘܐܬ ܰ ܒ‬ ‫ܱ̇‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ܳܐ >‪]3:5 <f.17v‬ܘܒ ܳ ܢ ܰ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܰ ‪ g‬ܐܶ ܽ ܢ ܳܐܦ ܽ ܚ ܰ ̈ܳ ܒܐ ܕ ̈ ܽ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ̈ܪܐ ܕ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܶ ܶ ܰ ܐܦ ݂ܗ ܽܘ ܽ ܚ‬ ‫ܳ ܐ ܰܕ ܺ ܒ ܒ ܽܘܢ ܒ ̈ ܳ ܒܐ ܕ ܺ ܇‪ܰ i‬‬ ‫ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫݂ܰ‬ ‫‪h‬‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܒ ܶܪܗ܆ ܰܕ݂ܗ ܰܘܘ‬ ‫ܶ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܰܪܒ ܽ ܬܗ ܰܕܐܒܐ ܘܐ̈ܪܙܐ ܽ ܽܘܢ.‬ ‫̱ܷ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ܳ‬ ‫ܒ ܰ ܳ ܽ ܬܐ܆ ܐܦ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܒ ܰ .‬ ‫ܘܰ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̱ـ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܘܐ̈ܪܙܐ ̈ ܰ‬ ‫̱ܷ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫6:3ܐܬ ܰ ܒ ‪ܶ j‬ܕ ܗ ܽ ܢ‪ ܳ ̈ k‬ܒܐ‪ l‬ܘܐ̈ܪܙܐ ܘܗܽܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܴ̇‬ ‫ܶ ̱ܷ ݂‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫‪f‬‬ ‫‪T|Z‬‬ ‫‪T|Z‬‬ ‫‪T| Z‬‬ ‫ܐ ‪T cj | Z‬‬ ‫‪corr | Z‬‬ ‫̇ـ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫‪T|Z‬‬ ‫‪T cj | Z mut‬‬ ‫‪h‬‬ ‫‪T cj | Z mut‬‬ ‫‪i‬‬ ‫‪T|Z‬‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫‪g‬‬ ‫‪j‬‬ ‫‪k‬‬ ‫‪l‬‬ ‫‪corr | Z‬‬ ‫ܐܬ ܒ‬ ‫݂ܗ ̇ ܢ ‪T | Z‬‬ ‫ܒܐ ‪T | Z‬‬ ‫92‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܽܘܬܐ. ܰܘܐ ܶ ܐ ܽ ܢ ܰ ܺܕ ܰ . ܘ ܳ ܺ ܗܘ ܐܦ ܰ ܒ ܽ ܒܐ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܳ ܶܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܰܕ ̈ ܒܐ. ܘܐ̈ܪܙܐ ܘ ̈ . 8:3 ܰܘܒ ܶ ܳ ܐ‪ ܶ ܰ d‬ܗܘ݂ .‬ ‫̱ܷ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫. ܰ ̇ ܴ ܺ ܗܘ ܒ ܽ ̈ܪ ܰ ܰܘ ܺ ܺ ܗܘ ܺܐ ̈ ܰ‬ ‫ܰܘ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܰـ .‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܘ ܰ ܒ ܆‪ c‬ܒ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܐܙ ܽܘܢ ܺܕ‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫7:3ܺܘܐ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰܘܒ ܶ‬ ‫ܘܰ‬ ‫ܰܕ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ܰ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܶܕ ܰܘ ܰ ܒ ܺ ـ ܗܘ݂‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ ܐ ܳ ܶ ܐ ܰܪܒ ܽ ܬܐ܇ ܗܝ ܕ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܶ‬ ‫ܴ̇‬ ‫1:4ܘ ܺ ݂ ܺ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܐܬܪܢ.‬ ‫ܳ ̇ ܺܕ ܳ ̇‬ ‫̈ܰ ܳ ܐ ܒ ܽ ܪ ܶ ̈ܳ ܶܐ. ]ܒ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ ܳ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܗ ܽ ܢ ̈ ܒܐ ܕܐ̈ܪܙܐ‬ ‫̱ ܰ ܴ̇‬ ‫̱ܷ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̈ܳ‬ ‫ܒ ܰ ܬܐ ܰ ܰ ܬ ܓ ̈ܶܐ ܕܐ̈ܪܙܐ ܕ ̈ܰ ܶܐ ܕ ܶ ܳ ܐ. 2:4 ܰܘ ܰ ܽܘܢ ܰܐܒ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ̱ܳ ܶ‬ ‫‪ܳ f‬ܐܦ ܗ ܽ ܢ ܶ ܰܐܒ ̈ܰ ܽܘܢ. ܘܐ ݂ ܰ ܘ‪ ܰ ݂ g‬ܕ ̇ ܱ ܰ‬ ‫݂ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܢ܆‬ ‫ܽ ܗܪܐ ܕܕ ̇ ܱ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܕܪܒ ܽ ܬܗ ܰܕܐܒܐ. ܽ ܗܪܐ ܕ ܶ ܰܪܘ ܳ ܐ ܳܕ ̇ ܱ ܒ ܽ ܬ ܰ ܒܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܶ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܽܪ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܐܦ ܰ ܆‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܕܘ‪ i‬ܐܦ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫̈ ܳ ܐ. 3:4 ܰܘ‬ ‫‪h‬‬ ‫ܕܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܐ ܳ ܳܐ ܕ ܰ ܒ‬ ‫ܳܐ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ܬ ܓ ̈ܐ ܕܐ̈ܪܙܐ‬ ‫ܰ ̱ܷ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܽ ܳܕܐ ܕ ܽ ܗܳܪܐ܇ ܒܓ‬ ‫ܶ ̈ܳ ܶܐ. ܘ ܳ ܶ ܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܐ̱‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܰ ̈‬ ‫̱ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܒ ܰ ܽ ܢ܆ ܰܘܒ ܰ ܽ ܢ ܒ ܰ ̈ ܽܘܢ܆ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܶ ܶܐ ܳ ̈ܪ ܽ ܢ܇ ܐܪܙܐ ܕ ܰ ܒܐ ܕܕ ̇ ܱ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰܪܒ ܽ ܬܐ ܶ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܽ ܗܪܐ ܰܐ ܰ ܒܐ܇ ܰܘ ܰ ܰ ܪ ܽ ܳ ̇ ܒ ܺ ܳ ܐ܇ ܰܘ ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܗܪܗ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰܕ ܽ ܡ ܳ ܡ ܽ ܗܪܗ.‬ ‫ܶܐ ܰܐܘ ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܽܘܢ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܕ ܶ ܳ ܐ ܰܘܕ ܰ ܳܪܐ ܰܘܕ ܰ ̈ ܒܐ: ܘ ܰ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫‪f‬‬ ‫‪g‬‬ ‫‪h‬‬ ‫‪i‬‬ ‫‪corr | Z‬‬ ‫‪Z |Z‬‬ ‫1‬ ‫*‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܐܬ‬ ‫‪T|Z‬‬ ‫ܘܒ‬ ‫ܘ ܐ‪T|Z‬‬ ‫ܘܒ‬ ‫‪T|Z‬‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫‪Z |Z‬‬ ‫ܕܒ‬ ‫‪Z |Z‬‬ ‫ܘܐ‬ ‫ܘܐ̈ܪܙܐ ‪cj | Z‬‬ ‫‪T corr | Z‬‬ ‫ܘ ‪ |Z‬ܘ‬ ‫1‬ ‫*‬ ‫1‬ ‫*‬ ‫*‬ ‫1‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫03‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰܕܐܒܐ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܰ ܰ ܒ ܗ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܬܗ܇ 5:4 ܶ ܐ ̇ ܴ ܰ ܬ‬ ‫ܶܨܒ ܳ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܳ ܐ ܳܕܒ ܰ ܬ ܽ‬ ‫ܳܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̱ܳ ܰ ̱ ܶ‬ ‫4:4ܐܪܙܐ ܗܘ ܓ ܰܪܒܐ ܰܕܒ ܳ ܐ ܕܪܒ ܽ ܬܐ ܶ ܳ ܐ܆ ܺܕܐ ܘܗܝ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܺ ܳ ܐ܇ ܽ ܗܪܐ ܕܙ ܺ ܳ ܐ ܕܬ ܒ ܽ ܶ ܗ܇ ܶܨܒ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܘ ܽ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܺ ܶ ܇ ܶ‬ ‫ܕ ܰ ܰ ܒ ܳ ܗ. ܶܒ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܰ ̈ܶܐ ܕ ܳ ܓܐܶܙ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܰܐ ܶ ܕ ܳ ܺ . 6:4ܗ ܳ ܰܕܒ ܰ ـ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̇ ܱ ̈ ܳ ܶܐ܇ ܰܙ ܺ ܰ ܐ ܗܘ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܨܘܪܬܐ ܰܘܕ ܽ ܬܐ ܒ ܽ‬ ‫ܕ ܳ ܽ ܳ ̇ ܇ ܽ ܳܐ ܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰܘܒ ܶ ܗ ܐ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܕ ܽ ܗܪܐ ܕܬ ܒ ܽ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܢ ܗܳ‬ ‫ܕܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܕܕ ̇ ܱ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܒܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܳܐ : ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰܕܪܘ ܘ ܳ ‪ܽ ܽ a‬ܘܢ ܳ ̈ ܶ ܐ܇ ܒ ܰ ܐ ܗܘ ܕ̈ܪ ܶ ܐ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܗ ܰܕܐܒܐ ܕܪܒ ܽ ܬܐ ܕ ܳ ܶ ܰ ـ ܳ . 7:4 ܶ ܺ‬ ‫ܗ ݂ ܰܘ ܽܘܢ ̇ ܴ ܺ ݂ . ܶܕܐ ܰ ܝ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܗ ܳܪܐ ܶ ܗܝ ܰܪܒ ܽ ܬܐ ܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܽܢ ܒ ܽܬ‬ ‫ܳ ̇ ܳ ܳ ܐ܆ ܘ ܶ ܶܐ‬ ‫ܴ̇‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܬܐ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܺ ܳ ܐ ̇ ܒ ܰ ܽܘܬܐ ܰܘܒ ܽ ܒܐ ܘܒ ܺ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܆‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܺ ـ ܽܘܢ‬ ‫ܕ ܰ ̈ܳܐ ܶ ܺܕ ܶ : ܕ ܺ ݂ ܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܽ ܢ܇ ܽ ܗܪܐ ܺܕ ܶ ܕ ܰ ܒܐ.‬ ‫‪ ܳ a‬ܐ ܰܕ ܰ ܒ‬ ‫ܰ ܐܪ‬ ‫ܶܐ ܒ ̈ܰ ܳܕ ܶ ܐ ܕܒ ܐ ܳ ܳ ܐ. ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ̱‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܒ ܰ ܰ ܬ ܓ ̈ܶܐ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܐ ̱ ܽܘܢ ܽ ̈ܪܒ ܶܐ‬ ‫ܰܳ ܰ‬ ‫̱ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܐܒ ̈ ܽ ܢ ܕܐ̈ܪܙܐ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫8:4ܘܬ ܽܘܢ ܺ ܳ ܐ ܰܪܒܐ ܰܘܬ ܺ ܳ ܐ܆ ܰ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ܳܐ ܒ ܽ ܪ ܶ ̈ܳ ݂ܶܐ. ܶܙ‬ ‫ܘܶ ݂‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܳܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܘܒܐ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܺ ܰܘܒ ܺ ܘ ܰ ܳ ܘ ܰ ܺ ܆ ܐܦ ܺ ܶ ܰܕܨ ܺ ܒܐ ܶ ܶܐ ܰ ܗܝ܆ ܬܐܙ ̱ ܽ ܢ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܗܝ ܒ ܽ ܒܐ ܰܘܒ ܰ ܽܘܬܐ܇ ܰ ̇ ܴ ܺ ܐ ̱ ܽܘܢ ܰ ܽ ܢ ܽ ̈ܪܒ ܰ ܽ ܢ܆ ܘܬ ܓ ܽܘܢ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܗܝ ܕ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܺ ܳ ܐ ܘ ܰ ܺ ܳ ܐ ܘ ܰ ܺ ܳ ݂. 9:4 ܰܘܬ ܰ ܒ ܽ ܢ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ̈ܪܒ ܰ ܽ ܢ. ܰܘܬ ܰ ܒ ܽ ܢ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܒ ܽ ܪ ܐ ܕ ܰ ݂̈ܐ. ܘܬ ܘܬ ܽ ܢ ܰ ܶ ܒ ܰ ܽܘܬܐ ܕ ܳ ܐ ܳܕܐܬܐ ܒ ܽ ܒ ܶ ܰ ܳ ܐ.‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܽܘܬܗ ܓ ܺ ܬܐ ܰܘܒ ܽ ܬܪܗ >‪ ܳ ܰ <f.18r‬ܐ ܕ ̇ ܴܒ ܇ ܰܘܒ ܳ ܶ ܰ ̱ܬܐ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪T|Z‬‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫13‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܽ ܽܘܢ ]ـ ـ ـ ـ ـ ـ[ 01:4ܐܦ ܐ ̱ ܽܘܢ‬ ‫ܠ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ ܰ ܶ ܺ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܕ ܬܓ ܫ‬ ‫ܗ‪ d‬ܕ ܽ ܗܪܗ ܕ ܰ ܒܐ‬ ‫̱ܳ ܷ ܶ‬ ‫ܽ ܢ ܐ̈ܪܙܐ ܘܓ ̈ܳ ܶܐ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰܘܒ ܽ ܗܪܗ ]ܕـ ـ ـ[ ܰܘܒ ܰ ̈ܶܐ ܓ ܺ ܶ ܐ ܕ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽ ܕܘ‪ ܰ c‬ܒ ܰ ܽ ܢ. ܘܐܢ ݂ܗ̱ ܽܘ‬ ‫ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܐܙܕܗܪܘ‪ܰ b‬ܘ‬ ‫ܒ ̈ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܺ ܺ‬ ‫ܰܕ ܒ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܽ ܢ܆ ܐܦ ܒ ̈ ܽ ܢ ܰ ܒ ܰ ܽܘܢ ܺܐ ܽܘܢ܆ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܶ ݂‬ ‫ܗ.‬ ‫ܶ ܺ ܶ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܗܘ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫̈ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫1:5ܘ ܰ ܒ ـ ܰ ܳ ̈ ܽ ܶ ܐ ܘ ̈ ܽ ܳ ܶ ܶ ܰܐܒ ܰ . ܳܐܦ ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܐ̈ܪܙܐ܆ ܘ ܰ‬ ‫̱ܷ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܗܳ : ܐ‬ ‫ܽ ܰ : ܐ̱ ܳ‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫ܳ ܶ ܺ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܺ ̱ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܗ ܕ ܽ ܗܪܗ ܕ ܰ ܒܐ‬ ‫ܗܪ ܗܘ ܰ ܒ ܰ ̈ ܇ ܰܕܐ ܒ ܒ ̈ܰ ܳ ܽ ܢ ܗܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܴ̇‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ܳ‬ ‫ܕ ܰ ܒ ܺܘ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܽ ܪ ܶ ̈ܳ ܶܐ. ܘ ܰ ܐܬ ܰ ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܐܒ ܰ . 2:5ܘ ̇ ܴ ܺ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܰܳ‬ ‫ܐ̱ ܳ ܶ ܐܘܘ ܶ ܰ ̈ ܽ ܰ ܗܝ ܕ ܽ ܳܪܐ܆ ܰ ܶ ܗܘ ܒ ܽܘ ܐ ܳ ܐ: ܒ ܰ ܽ ܬܐ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ ܳ ܐ‪ f‬ܘ ܶ ܺ ܒ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܽ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܐ ܰ ܚ܆ 3:5ܘ ܳ ܺ ܗܘ ܒ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܳ ܐ ܺܕܐ ̇‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܕܬܕ ܺ ܐ. 4:5ܘ ܳ ܺ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰܘܐ ܽܘܓܐ܁ ܰܘܐܪܙܐ ܰܘܒ ܽܘܬܐ. 5:5ܘ ܽ ܳܪܐ ܗܘ‬ ‫݂ܳ‬ ‫ܱ̇‬ ‫ܶ ̇‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̱ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܐ. ܘ ̇ ܴ ܶ ܐ ܗܘܐ ܶ ܶ ܺܪ ـ ܳ ݂ܐ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ݂ܐ.‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫ܒ ܽܡ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ݂ܐ‬ ‫ܘܗܝ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܶ‬ ‫݂ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ܳ ‪g‬‬ ‫ܐ. ܳܘܐ ܳ ܐ ܘ ܘ ܐ.‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫̱ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܗܘܬ ܒ ̈ ܽ ܰ ܗܝ ܕ ܽ ܳܪܐ.‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܺܐ ̈ ܳ ܐ ܰ ܒ ܳ ܐ. ܰܙ ܳ ܐ ܰܘܓ ܶ‬ ‫ܷ݂ ̈‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽ ܶ ܶ ܰ ܺ‬ ‫܁ ܐܐ ܘܪܓ ݂‬ ‫ܕܽ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܽ ̈ܪܐ ܕܒܐܬܪܢ‪ a‬ܕ‬ ‫ܰܳ ܳ ܶ ̱ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܴ̇ ܶ ̱ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܒ ̈ ܽ ܶ . ܘ ܕܪܐܣ ܗܘܐ ܒ ܆ ܺܪ ـ ܳ ܐ ܒ ܺ ܳ ܐ. 6:5ܘ ܳ ܐ ܕܗܘܐ ܗܘܐ ܺܪ‬ ‫ܙܠ *‪Z1 | Z‬‬ ‫ܐܙܕܗܪ *‪Z1 | Z‬‬ ‫*‪T | Z‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫‪T corr | Z‬‬ ‫‪f‬‬ ‫‪g‬‬ ‫ܘ ‪ |Z‬ܘ‬ ‫1‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܘ ܪ‬ ‫‪Z |Z‬‬ ‫1‬ ‫*‬ ‫ܐ ‪T corr | Z‬‬ ‫23‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫̈ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܡ ܬܪ ܳ ̇ ܺܕ ܳ ̇ ܰܕ ܰ ܰ ܬ ܓ ܶܐ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ܳ ܐ܆ ܰܘ ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̈ܰ‬ ‫ܓ ܶܐ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ـ ܘ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܬܐ܇ ܰ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܗܘ‬ ‫ܽ ܳܪܐ܆ ܘ ܳ ܺ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫̇ ܺ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܗܘ ܳܘܐܙ ̱‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̈ ܳ ܐ. 7:5ܘܒ‬ ‫ܴ̇ ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܕܐ̈ܪܙܐ‬ ‫̱ܷ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܗܪܐ ܗܘ ܰܕ ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܱ̇‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܗܘ‬ ‫ܺ ܗܘ ܰ ܒ ܽ ̈ܪ ܰ ܆ ܘ ܳ ܺ ܗܘ ܺܐ ̈ܰ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܳ ܳ ܳ : ܰ ܒܐ ܕܪܒ ܽ ܬܐ ܶ ܳ ܳ ܐ܇ ܗܝ ܕ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܴ̇‬ ‫ܳ ܰ . 8:5ܬ ̈ܳ ܳ ܐ ܒ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܘ ܳ ܺ ܗܘ ܳ ̇ ܰ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̈ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܗܘܝ ܽ ̈ܪܒ ܶܐ ܺܕ ܶ ܕ ܰ ܒܐ܇ ܰܘ ܶ ܓ ܬܐ ܕ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫̱݂ܰ‬ ‫ܗܘ ܘ ܳ ܓ ܺ ܒ‬ ‫ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܳܐ ܰ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܕ ܺ ݂ ̈ ܳ ܐ ܰܕ ̈ܒ‬ ‫ܗܘ ܶ . 9:5ܘ ܶ ܶ ܡ ܕ ̇ ܴ ܶ ܗܘ ܘ ܳ ܺ ܗܘ ܶ ]ܓ ܳ ܳ ܐ: ܳ ܐ‪ b‬ܕܗ ܺ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܴ̇‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̱݂ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̇ ܴ ܺ ܒ ܰ ܽܘܬܐ. ܳܐ ̇ ܺ ܗܘ ܘ ܰ ܺ ܰ ܒ ̈ܰ ܰܘ ܰ ܒ ܰ ܢ܆ ܰܘ ܽ ܕ݂ ܰ ̱ ܒ‪ܶ ܰ c‬‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܶ ܰ ܆ ]ܒ ܶ ܗ ܐܘ ܰ ܶ ܒ ̈ ܰ ܒ ݂ܗ‬ ‫ܒ ܽ ܒܐ ܺ ܐ ܰ . 01:5ܘܐܢ ܶܓ ܰ ܫ ܘ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰܳ ܰ ܶ ܰ ܳ ܶ ܺ ܶ‬ ‫ܰܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܗ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ ݂ ܙܒ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܺ ‪ d‬ܒ ܽܘ ܗ܇‪ e‬ܐ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܳ ܰ ܒ ܽܘ ܰ ܐܒ ̈ :‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܺ ̱ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܒܐ. 11:5ܳܐܦ ]ܒ ̈ܰ ܰܐܬܪܐ‪ f‬ܗܘ: ܰܐ ܶ ܕ ܳ ̇ ܒ ܗܘܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܱ̇‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ. ܰܘܐ ܶ ܕ ܳ ̇ ܳܨܒ ܗܘܘ ܕ ܺ ܐ ܽ ܢ ܘ ܰ ܺ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ̱ܰ‬ ‫ܽ ܢ܆ ܒ ܰ ܽܘܬܐ ܰ ܺ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫̈ܳ ܽ ܶ ܽ ܳ ܳ ܶ ܽ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܕ ̇ ܴ ܶ ܗܘܘ ܰ ܽ ܬܢ‪ܰ g‬ܕܒ ܶ ܳ ܐ ܰ ܶ ܗܘ ܆‬ ‫ܕܪ : ]‬ ‫ܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ̈ܰ ‪a i‬‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ̱ ܪܙ ܀‬ ‫ܳ ܳ ܐ‪ h‬ܐ ܺ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܽ ܒܐ ܕܓ ܳ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ‬ ‫ܕܒ ܪܢ ‪T corr | Z‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫ܕ ̇ ܒ ‪T | Z illeg | C‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫ܗ ‪T cj | Z‬‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫‪f‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪g‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪h‬‬ ‫ܐ ‪cj | Z‬‬ ‫ܘܒܐ‬ ‫‪i‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫ܕܰ‬ ‫ܕ ܺܐ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܒܐ‬ ‫33‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܶ ܓܳܐ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܒ ܪ ܰ ܬܗ‬ ‫̈ܰ ܳ ܐ: ܽ‬ ‫ܶ ܳ‬ ‫̱ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܒ ܰ ܰ ܬ ܓ ̈ܐ ܕܐ̈ܪܙܐ‬ ‫ܰ ̱ܷ‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫ܳ ܶ‬ ‫̈ ܒܐ ܺܕܐ‬ ‫1:6ܬܘܒ ܶ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܒ ܶ ܗ: ܰܕܗ ܳܘܐ ܶ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܳܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܳܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܗܝ ܐܕܡ ܐܒ ܽ ܗܝ܆ 2:6 ܰܘܒ ܰ ܩ ܶ ܐܕܡ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܓ ܳ ܳ ܐ‪ d‬ܕ ܽ ܗܪܐ ܕ ܰ ܒܐ ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܐ ܳ ܳܐ‬ ‫3:6ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܰܘ ܳ ܐ ܰ‬ ‫̱ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܕܪܒ ܽ ܬܐ ܶ ܳ ܐ.‬ ‫ܶ ܇ ܰ ܴ̇ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܽ ܗ ܰ ܰܪܒܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳܳ‬ ‫ܕ ܰ ܶ ܐܒ ܽ ܢ ܐܕܡ܆ ܺܪ‬ ‫ܶ ܰ ̱ ܶ ܶ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܕܗܒ ܕ ܰ ܶ ܳ ܐ ܐ ܽ ܗܝ܆ ܘܐܬܐܒ‬ ‫]ܕـ ـ ـ ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܒܓ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܺ ‪ c‬ܒ ܶ ܗ ܰ ܗܝ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܬܶ ܒ ܽ ܶ ܗ܁ ܶ ܽ ܕ ܶܐ ܗܘܐ‪ܶ e‬‬ ‫ܴ̇ ̱ ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܶ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ ܰ ‪f‬‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܕ ܰ ̈ܐ: ܘ ܰ ܰ ܪ‬ ‫>‪<f.18v‬‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳܳܐܕܡ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܳ ܳ ܰܕܐܒܐ‬ ‫ܶ ܶ ܳܶ ܺ ܶ ܰ ܳ ܶ ܽ‬ ‫݂ܰܒ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܬܗ ܕ ܕ ܒܐ ܘ‬ ‫ܽ ܳ ܳ ܕ ܳ ܶ ܆ ܐܬܓ ܱܬ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ܶ ܗ ܕ ܶ ܰ ܰܕ ܳ ܐ. ܘ ܶ ܶ ܐܒ ܗܘܐ ܰܐܒ ܽ ܢ ܳܳܐܕܡ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܽ ܬܐ ܕܐܬ ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫̱ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܺ ‪ g‬ܒ ܶ ܗ ܰܘ ܶ ܗܘܐ ܶ . ܰܕ ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܰܪܒ ܽ ܬܗ. 4:6ܘ ܰ ܓ ܰ ܗܪ ܗܘܐ ܶ‬ ‫̱ܳ‬ ‫ܱ̇ ̱ ܳ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰܳ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫̈ܪ ܶ ܐ ܳ ܡ ܐܒܐ ܕܪܒ ܽ ܬܐ.‬ ‫ܺ ܳ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ ܽ ܬܐ ܕ ܶܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫1:7ܳܘܐ ܰ ܗܘܐ ܶ . ܒ ܝ܆ ܶ ݂ ܘܘܢ ܶ ̇ ܳܕ̈ܪܐ ܘ ̈ܳ ܶ ܐ ܘ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫̱ܳ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫̇ ܰ ̇ ܷ ܰ ܽ ܬܝ‪ܰ h‬ܘ ܰ ܺ ܒ ̈ܰ ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ . 2:7 ܰ ܰ ̇ ܳ ܺ ‪ a‬ܘ ܺ ܐ ܽܘܢ.‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܽ ܕܬܬ ̇ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ܳ ̇ ܳ ܬ ܽ ܡ. ܗܕܐ ܰ ̇ ܴ ܳ ܐ: ܶܕܐܬ ̇ ܱ ܓ ܰ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܳܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܱ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ܰܝ. ܘ ݂ ܶ ܘܘܢ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫‪Z sic | T cj add‬‬ ‫‪T|Z‬‬ ‫‪T|Z‬‬ ‫ܗܘ‬ ‫ܓ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܐ ‪C | Z mut | T cj‬‬ ‫‪T cj | Z mut‬‬ ‫‪f‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪g‬‬ ‫‪Z sic‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫‪h‬‬ ‫ܬܝ ‪C Z vid | T‬‬ ‫43‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ ̱ܺ‬ ‫ܰ ܽ ܬܝ ܕ ܳ ܐܡ ܗܘ ܒ ̇ ܇ ܘܐ ܳ ܒܐ ̈ܰܝ ܰܐܘܒ ܬܗ ܶ . 3:7ܒ ܝ܆ ܶ ݂ ܳ ܐ ܶܕܐܬ ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ̇‬ ‫ܳ ݂ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܆ ܗܝ ܗ ܳܘܬ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܘ ̇ ܱ ܰ ܪܬܗ ܰ .‪ܳ 7:4 b‬ܐܦ ܐܶ ܳ ܐܶܬ ܰ ܒ ܗܘ ܰ‬ ‫̱ܺ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܺ ܳ ‪c‬‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܗ‬ ‫݂ܺ ݂‬ ‫ܘܐ ̇ ܶ ܬ܆ ܕܗ ܳ ܰܙܒ ܳ ܐ ܓ ܳ ܐ ܘܒ ܳ ܐ ܶ . ܘ ܰ ܺ‬ ‫ܺ ܳ ܗ ܰܙܒ ܳ ܐ. ܶ ܽ ܰܕܗ ܳܘܬ ܺ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ݂ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܬܘ ܰ ܳ ܐ. 5:7ܒ ܝ ܐܙܕܗܪ ܶ ܳ ̇ ܒ ̈ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܽ ܳ ݂ـ ܘ ܳ ܬܓ ܶ ݂ ܳ ̇ ܽ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܶ ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܐ̈ܪܙܱܝ ܶ ܒ .‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫6:7ܪܒ ܽ ܓ ܰ ܳ ܳ ܐ܆‪ ܳ ܳ ܺ d‬ܐ ܰܘ ܶ ܒ ܽ ܳ ܐ ܰ ݂ܒ ܳ ܗ ܺ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܳܪ ܳ . ܶ ܽ ܕܪ ܶ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܱ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̈ܰ‬ ‫]ܗ ܳܘܐ ܺ ݂ ‪ܰ e‬ܐ ܒ ܳ ܐ ܰ ܒ ܒܐ. 7:7ܘܐ ܳ ܒ ܬܗ ܺ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܺ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ̇‬ ‫ܰ ܓ ܳ ܽ ݂ܬܐ ܰܘ ܰ ܰ ܬ ܶ ܒ .‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܶ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܐ ܰܕܐ ܶ ܰ ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܰܕ݂ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܰ ܽ ܬܝ. 8:7ܘܐ ܳ ܐܬܒ ܶ ܒܐ ܳ ܝ.‪ f‬ܐ ܴ ܐܦ ܒ ܒ ݂‬ ‫ܱ̇‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ ܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܐܬܬܪ ̇ ܶ ܒ ݂ ܶ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܶ ݂ ܕ ܶ ܒ ܺ ܇ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܶ ݂ ܳ ܐ ܰܕ ‪ܶ ܳ g‬ܪܐ ܒ ܶ ݂ ܕ ܶ ܳ ܐ.‬ ‫ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܳ ܺ ܰ ̱ܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫1:8ܘ ܐܬܒ ܶ ܒ ܰ ܳ ܽ ܬܝ ] ܰ ܐ ܝ ܗܘ ܇‪ h‬ܘ ܰ ܗܘ ݂ ܒܐ ܳ ܐ ܐ ܳ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܱ̇‬ ‫ܗ ܺܘ ܇ ܰܘܒ ܽ ܳ ܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܽ ܶ ܳ ܳ ܐ: ܰܘܒ ܽ ܒ ܰܕ ܳ ܬ ܺ ܶ ܐ ܰ ̈ܺ ܶ ܐ:‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫̱݂ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ ܶ ܶ ܡ܆ ̈ܪ ܰ ܗܝ ܘܒ ܺ ܽ ܬܗ‬ ‫ܰ ـ ̈ܰـ ܰܕܒܓ ܰ ܰܕ ܳ ܐ. ܘ‬ ‫ܶܒ ܶ ܬ‬ ‫ܰܐܒܐ ܒ ܺ ܳ ܐ. 2:8ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܐ‬ ‫ܺ ܰ‬ ‫ܐ ܝ‬ ‫ܰܘܒ ܽ‬ ‫ܰܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܐܒܐ ܒ ܺ ܳ ܐ܆‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܕܪܒ ܽ‬ ‫̱ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܺ ܳ ܐ: ܕ ܰ ܶ ܗܘܐ ܺ ܰܘ ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܒ ܰ ܳ ܽ ܬܝ ܰ‬ ‫ܽ ܳ ܶ ܆ ܐ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܳܕܐ ̇ ܷ ܐ ܐ ܳܕ ܰ . ܐ ܴ ܐ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‪T corr | Z‬‬ ‫‪T | C Z vid‬‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܬܗ ‪T corr | Z‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪f‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪g‬‬ ‫‪T | C Z vid‬‬ ‫‪h‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫ܕ̈‬ ‫53‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܽ ܶ‬ ‫ܰܕ ܺ ܺ ܰ‬ ‫̈ܪ ܰ ܗܝ ܒ ܰ ܕܘܬܗ.‬ ‫݂‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܶ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܺ ܰ ̱ܺ‬ ‫̱ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ̱ܳ‬ ‫]݂ܗܒ ݂ ܺ ‪ a‬ܗܘܐ ܺ . ܰܘܐ ܕ ܐ ܝ ܗܘ ̇ ܴܒ ܗܘܐ ܺ . ܘ ܰ ܽ ܰܕ ܽ ܡ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܒ ܶ ܘ ܺ ܐ ܰ ܶ ܳ ܳ ܐ ̇ ܴܒ ܰ ܬ. 4:8ܐ ܴ ܳܕ ܰ ݂ ܒ ܰ ܶ ܐ. ܘ ܐ ܰ ܽ ܬܝ ܳܕ ܰ . ܕܗܐ‬ ‫ܽ ܳ ܺܐ ܶ ̇ ܆ ܰܐ ܕ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܺ . 5:8]ܘ ܳ ̇ ܽ‬ ‫̇ ܺ ܒ ݂ܝ ܽ ܳ ̇ ܒ ܺ ܳ ܐ ܰܕܬ ܶ‬ ‫ܺ ܺ‬ ‫ܽ ܳ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫݂ܳ‬ ‫ܒ ܳ ܐ‪ b‬ܒ ܺ ܐ ܶ ܨܒܐ ܰܕ ̇ ܱ ܰ ‪c‬܆ ܘ ܶ ݂ ܶ ܐ ܶ ܬ ܶ‬ ‫. ܰ ܳ ܐ ݂ܗ ܽܘ ܒ ܰ ܰ ܗܝ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳܕ ܰ ܆ ܐ‬ ‫ܽ ܬܝ ܺܕ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܽ ܓ ܐ‬ ‫3:8‬ ‫ܳ ܳ ܽ‬ ‫ܐ܆ ܕ ܬܘܒ‬ ‫ܰ ܶܕ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܽ ܶ ̇ ܱ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܰܘ ܳ ̱ ܝ‬ ‫ܽ ܳ ܶ . 6:8 ܰܘܐ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̇ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܐ. ܘܬܒ ̈ܪܓ ܰ ܗܝ ܕ ܳ ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܶ . ܰ ܰ ܶ ݂ ܶ ܽ ̇ ܰ ܽ ܬܐ ܕܒ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܱ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܬܗ. 7:8ܘܗ ܶ ܽ ܶ ܒ ܝ ܕ ܓ ̈ ܳ ‪ d‬ܘܐܬ ܰ ܶ ܶ ܰܪܒ ܽ ܬܝ܆ ܶ ݂ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܽ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳܳ̇ ܘ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܳ ܐ. 8:8ܐܶ ܴ ܰܐ ܒ ܝ܆ ܐܙܕܗܪ ܶ‬ ‫̱ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ ܐ ܰ ̈ܶܐ‪ܰ e‬ܪܒ ܽ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫̈ܪܓ ܰ ܶܕܐܕܘ ܺ ܗܝ. ܰ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰܕ ̇ ܴ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܺ ܐ ܽ ܬܗ܆ ܰ ܶ ܗ‬ ‫ܬܶ‬ ‫ܒ ܺ ܳ ܐ܆ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰܪܒ ܽ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܒ ܺ ݂ ܳ ܐ. ܘ ܰ ܶ ـ‬ ‫ܒ ̈ܳ ܳ ܐ܆ ܐܶ ܳ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܗܘܬ ܺ ܬܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫̱ ݂ܳ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܳ ̇ ܰܐ ܳ ܬܝ. ܐܶ ܴ ܪ ܰ ݂ ܘ ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܬܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ .‬ ‫ܘ ܶ ܰܪ ܰ‬ ‫̱ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܐ̈ܪܙܐ‬ ‫̈ ܺ ܶ ܰ ܰ ܶ ܰ ̈ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫݂ܐ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ̱ ̈ ܳ ܐ܁ ܒ ـ ݂ ܐ ܘ‬ ‫ܽ ܶ ܽ ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܢ ܘܒ ܢ ܘ‬ ‫ܽ ܢ. 2:9]ܘـ ـ ـ[‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܒ ܝ ܘ ܰ ̈ܰܝ:‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܺ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫̈ܪ ܶ ܐ ܰ ܓ ̈ܐܐ. ܰܘ ̇ ܰ‬ ‫ܽ ܶ‬ ‫1:9ܘ ܶ ܘܘܢ ܓ‬ ‫>‪<f.19r‬‬ ‫ܽܢ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܕܪܒ ܽ ܬܐ. ܘ ݂ ܶ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‪T corr | Z‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫‪T corr | Z‬‬ ‫ܐ ‪C Z vid | T‬‬ ‫ܕ ̇‬ ‫ܕܓ ̈‬ ‫̇ـ‬ ‫63‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܽܢ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܒ ܽ ܬܐ‬ ‫ܰ ܳܪܐ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫̇ ܳ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܽ ܽ‬ ‫ܕܪܒ ܽ ܬܐ܆ ܘ ܰ ܰܙܒ ܶܐ ܐ̱ ܳ ܶܐ ܕܗܘ ܳܕܪܐ ݂ ܶ ܘܘܢ ܬܘܒ ܰ ܺ ܺ‬ ‫ܱ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ̇ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܽ ܬܝ܆ ܘ ܶ ܺܕ ܳ ܐ ܕܗܘܐ ܺ . ܐ ܴ ܶ ܽ ܢ ܰܘ ܰ ـ ܽ ܢ‪ b‬ܓ ܽ ܳܕ ݂ ܳ ܐ ܰ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫ܘܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ ܳ ܐ ܰܘ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܶ‬ ‫̇ ܱ ݂ـ ܶ ܒ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ̈ ܗܝ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܳܬ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܺ ܳܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܶ ܳ ܐ. 3:9ܘ ܺ ܐ ܽܘܢ ̈ ܓ ܐܬܐ. ܘ ܶ ܒ ܽܘܢ ܐܦ ܰܨ ܶ ݂ܐ ܰܘܓ ܺ ܶ ܐ. ܳܘܐܦ‬ ‫ܶܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܢ. ܰܘ ܰ ܽ ܢ‪ ̈ c‬ܕܓ ܽ ܳܕ ܳ ܐ. 4:9ܘܗ ܶ ܽ ܶ ܕܗ̇ܘ ̈ܳ ܒ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܶ ‪ܶ ܶ ܰ e ܶ ܺ d‬‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰܕ ܶ ܬܐ܆‬ ‫ܗ ܕܙܐ ܘܕ‬ ‫ܕܶܪ‬ ‫ܕܙ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܳ ܽ .‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܺ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܽ ܬܪܐ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܬܐ ܰܘܕ ܳ ܽ ܒ ܽ ܬܐ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܶ ܳܕ̈ܪܐ ܕ ܶ ܘܘܢ ܶ ܒ ܪܝ. 5:9ܰܘ ܰ ܶ ܐ‪ܰ f‬ܘ ܰ ܓ ܶ ܓ ܐ ܽ ܢ ܒ ܽ ܒ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܓ ܐܐ: ܰܘܕܪ ܽ ܬܐ ܘܕ ܒ ܽ ܶ ܐ ܰܘܕ ̈ܶ ܳ ܶܐ ܰܘܕܙ ܽ ܬܐ ܰܘܕ ܰ ܒ ܳܪ ܽ ܬܐ܇ ܰܘܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܺ ܳ ܳ ܳ ܰ ̈‬ ‫ܶܐ‬ ‫ܺ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܒ ܒܐ ܘܪ ̇ ܴ ݂ܐ ܶ‬ ‫6:9 ܰܘܐ‬ ‫ܓܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܰܘ ܓ ܶ ܓ ܐ ܽ ܢ.‬ ‫ܺ ܶܐ‬ ‫‪g‬‬ ‫ܰܘܕ ܶ ̈ ܳ ܶܐ ܰܕܓ ܶ‬ ‫̈ܳ ܶ ܰ ̈ ܶ ܺ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܗܓܓܐ ܰܕ ̈ ܳ ܰ ܗܝ‬ ‫ܨܐܐ ܘ ܐ ܕܐ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܺ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ ܕ ܐ ܽ ܢ ܒ ܽ ܒܐ ܕܙܐ ܶ ‪ a‬ܐ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܳ ܐ ܶܐ. ܐ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܳܕܐܦ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܘܒ ̇ ܴ ܳ ܐ ܬܘܒ ܰܘܒ ܰ ܳܘ ܽ ܬܐ. ܰܘܒ ܰ ̈ ܺ ܶ ܐ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܶ ̈ܳ ܳ ܽ ܰ ̈ ܺ ̈ ܺ‬ ‫ܺـܳ ݂ܐ‬ ‫ܘܒ ܒ ܬܐ ܬܘܒ ܕܙ ܙ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܐ:‬ ‫ܶܨ ܰ ܝ ܒ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܶ ܡ ܕܙܕܩ ܳ‬ ‫ܳܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫‪f‬‬ ‫‪g‬‬ ‫̱ ݂ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ. ܕܗܐ ܰ ݂‬ ‫ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ݂ܶ‬ ‫ܬ ܕ ܬ ܽ ܠ ܶ ܶ ܆ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܐ ‪| Z‬ܕܒ‬ ‫1‬ ‫ܶ ܗ ܕܙܐ ܳ ܐ ܰܐ ܳ ܽ ܳ ܐ ܘ ̇ ܴ ܶ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܳ . ܕ ܳ ܐ ܶܕܐ ݂ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܺܐ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܶܕܐܬ ̇ ܱ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫1:01ܒ ܶ‬ ‫ܘ ܳ ܐ ܶܐ ̇ ܴ ܶ ܐ ̱ ܳ‬ ‫‪T cj | Z illeg‬‬ ‫ܢ ‪T corr | Z‬‬ ‫‪T corr | Z‬‬ ‫*‬ ‫ܗ ‪cj | C Z vid‬‬ ‫‪corr | Z‬‬ ‫ܕ ‪T | C Z vid‬‬ ‫ܢ‬ ‫ܕܙ‬ ‫ܕܒ‬ ‫ܗܝ ‪C Z vid | T‬‬ ‫̈ܕ ـ‬ ‫73‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܕ ܶ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܺ ܳ ܐ.‪10:2 b‬ܘ ܳ ܐܬܒ ̇ ܶ ܐ ܳ ܳܕܘ ̇ ܴܐ ܒܐ ܳ ܝ܇ ܕ ܳ ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܺ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫܇‪ c‬ܘ ܶ ܰ ܕ ܶ ܘܐ ܳ ܐ ܐ ܓܒ ܽ ܶ ܇ ܘ ܰ ݂ܒ ܳ ܐ ܐ ܳ ܶ ܗ܁‬ ‫ܒ ܺ ܳ ܐ܆ ܕ ܶ ܓ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܰܕ ܺ ـ ـ ܳ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫4:01‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܳ ܟ ܰܪܒ ܽ‬ ‫ܶ ܳ ܐ ܕܙܐ ܶ‬ ‫݂ ܺ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܒ ܰ ܬܐ‬ ‫ܰܕܐ ܺ ܰ‬ ‫̱ܽ‬ ‫ܗܘ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܺ ܶ ܰ ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ܗܝ ܰ ܓ ̈ܐܐ ܕܪܒ ܽ ܬܐ ܕܪܒ ܽ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫3:01 ܰܘ ܰ ܬܐ ܳ ܶ ܩ ܺ ܶ ܒ ܳ . ܰܘ ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܐ ܴ ܳ ܰ ܳܐ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܕ ܰ ̈ ܳ ܐ.‬ ‫.‬ ‫ܶ ܶ‬ ‫ܒ݂‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܺܐ ܰ ܝ ܗܘ ܇ ܰܘ ܺ ܝ ܺ ܘܕܨ‪ ܺ d‬ܒ ܶ ܒܒ ܕ ̇ ܶ‬ ‫̱ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܷ‬ ‫ܘܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ܰ ܇ ܐ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫̇ ܱ ܳ ܳ ܐ܇ ܕ ܶ‬ ‫ܺ ܇ ܘ ܰ ܰܪ ܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܒ ܺ ܳ ܐ ܘܪܒ ܽ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰـ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܽܘ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ ܳ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܰܘ ݂ ܰ‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫ܒ ܰ ܰ ܗܝ. ܰܘܕ ̇ ܴ ݂ ܶ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰܕ ݂ܰܒ‬ ‫ܓܒ ܽ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰܘ ܰ ـ ܳ . ܐܦ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܒ ̈ ܰ ܝ ܺܕ‬ ‫ܰܐ ܒ ܝ܆ ݂ ܰ‬ ‫̱ ܶ‬ ‫̱ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ ܐ ܳ ܰ ܗܝ. ܓ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫̱ܳ‬ ‫ܓ ܐ ܰ ܽ ܬܝ ܰ ܶ ܗܘܐ ܺ ܆ ܗ ܳܘܐ ܺ ܐ̈ܪܐ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܰ ܶ ܺ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ ܰ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ‬ ‫̱ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܗܘ ݂ ܐܦ‬ ‫ܐ ܽ ܟ. ܐ ܬܒ ܐ ̇ ܴܒ‬ ‫ܽ ܪܒ ܳ ܐ ܰ ܒ ܗܘܐ ܶ ܗܒ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܺ ܶ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܰܕܕ ܶ ܶ ܺܐ ̈ܰܝ ܰܐ ܽ ܗܝ ܕ ܰ ܶ . 7:01 ܳ ܓ ܰ ܶ ܐ ܒ ܰ ܰ ܗܝ ̈ܰ ܓ ܐܐ ܶ‬ ‫̱ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܇ ܰܘ ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܗܝ ܒ ܺ ܐ ܽ ܬܐ. ܳܐܦ ܰ ܶ ܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܗܝ ̇ ܴ ܶ ܒ‬ ‫̱݂‬ ‫̇ ܱ ܕܪ ̇ ܷ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽ ܽ ܶ ܽ ܶ ܶ ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܐܢ ܘܒ ܢ ܘ ܒ ܢ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܐܬܪܐ ܰ ܳ ܒ ܽ ܬܐ. ܘ ܳ ܐܢ‬ ‫.‬ ‫ܕ̈ܪ ݂ ܰ ܗܝ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܗ݂ܽܘ ܒ ܽ ܗܪܗ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ܰ ܽ‬ ‫ܒܐ ܪܘ ܳ ܐ ܰܘ ̇ ـ ܺ ـ . 5:01ܐ ܴ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳܕ̈ܪ ܶ ܒ ܳܪܟ܆ ܕܬ ܰ ̈ܪ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ ܒ ܺ ܽ ܬܗ. 6:01 ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫‪corr | Z‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‪corr | Z‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫ܕܙ‬ ‫ܕܙ‬ ‫ܘܕ ̇‬ ‫83‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܕܨܘ ‪T | Z‬‬ ‫ܬ ‪T cj | Z‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫̈ ܳܶ ݂‬ ‫ܳܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܶ ܡ ܕ ܰ ܶ ܗ ܐܕܡ ܐܒ ܽ ܗܝ.‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܺ ݂ ܽ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ ܀ 8:01 ܰܘ ݂ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܺ ܺ‬ ‫̇ ܱ ܓ ܐ݂‬ ‫ܰ ܺ ܺ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܕ ̈ ܓ ܐ ܶ ܗ ܶ . ܰܘ ܒ ܐ ܽ ܢ ܒ ܺ ܽ ܬܐ. ܘܐ ܰ ܐ ܽ ܢ ܒ ̈ ܶ ܐ ܕ ܺ ݂ ܺ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܰ ܽ ܰܺ ܶ ܶ ܺ ‪ܳ a‬‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܒ ܰ ܰ ܬ ܓ ܶܐ ܕܐ̈ܪܙܐ ̈ܰ ܳ ܐ. 9:01 ܳܐܦ ܗܘ ̇ ܱ ݂ ܶ ܰܘܐܘ ܶ‬ ‫݂ܽ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫݂. ܕ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܘܢ. ܘܕ‬ ‫̈ ̱ܷ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܽ ܳ ܒ ܳ ܐ. ܰܘ ܰ ܒ ܗܘܐ ܘ ̇ ܴ ܶ ܐ ܒ ܳ ܐ ܰܕܐܒܐ ܕܪܒ ܽ ܬܐ ܶ ܳ ܳ ܐ. 01:01 ܰܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ̱ܳ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܳ ܶ ܐ̈ܪܙܐ. ܘ ܳ ܶ ܗܘ ܽ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܐ ܰ ܚ ܕ ܳ ܺ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܐܦ ܺ ‪ ܰ b‬ܒ ̈ ܗܝ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܷ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܳܪܐ. ܘ ܳ ܺ ܗܘ ܒ ܽ ܒܐ ܰ ܰ ܰ ܬ ܓ ܶܐ ܕܐ̈ܪܙܐ ̈ ܰ ݂ ܳ ܐ. ܘ ̇ ܴ ܺ ܗܘ ܐܦ ݂ ܰ .‬ ‫̱‬ ‫̈ ̱ܷ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܘ ܰ ܺ ܗܘ ܰ ܒ ̈ ܰܘ ܰ ܒ ܢ.‬ ‫ܽ ܳ ܳ ܶ ܶ ܰ ܺ‬ ‫ܰ̈ ܳ ܶ ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܓ ܳ ܳܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܒܐ:‬ ‫ܐܕ ܡܕ‬ ‫1:11 ܰ ݂ܗ ܳܘܐ ܶܕ ܰܙܒ ܳ ܐ ܘ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܕ ܽ ܗܪܗ ܕ ܰ ܒܐ ܰ ܳ ܐ܆ ܐܦ ܰ ݂ ܰ ܶ ܇ ܰܕܒ ܰ ̈ ܳ ܢ ܺܐܬܐ: ܰܘ ܰ ܒ ܺ ܗܝ ܒ ܰ ܽܘܬܐ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܶ ܰ ܴ̇ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܒܐ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ ܐ:‬ ‫̈ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܶ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܶܕܐܬ ܶ ܢ ܶ ܰܐܒ ܰ ܇ ܘ ܰܐ ܕ ̇ ܴ ܶ ܗܘ ܳܐܦ ܰ ܒ ̈ ܳ ܒܐ. 2:11ܘ ܰ‬ ‫̈ܳ‬ ‫ܽܘܡ. ܐܶ ܳ̈ܪܐܙ ܽܘܢ‪ c‬ܒ ̈‬ ‫ܶ ܘ ܶ ܬ ̈ܺ ܶ ܐ ܰܘ ܺ ܶ ݂ܐ. ]ܕ ܳ ݂ ܶ ܗܘܘ ܰ ܶ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܴ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܺ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܰܢ ܰ‬ ‫ܰܳ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܗܘܘ. 3:11ܘܐܬܘ ܐ̱ ܳ ܐ̱ ܳ ܶ ܐܘ ܶ ܇ ܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܳ ܶ ̇ ܗܘ ܐ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫]ـ ـ ـ[ ܒ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܕܬܕ ܺ ܐ ܕ ܶ ܶ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܰܘ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ ܕ݂ܰ ܶ‬ ‫>‪<f.19v‬‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܗܘ‬ ‫ܗ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܕܶ ܰ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܰܕ ܳ ܺ ܗܘ .‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫ܽ ܪ ܶ ̈ ܳ ݂ ܶܐ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܽܘܢ ܕ ̈ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܬ ܰ ܽ ܳܕܐ ܕ ܽ ܗܪܐ ܕ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫4:11ܘ ݂ ܳ ܰ ܰ ]ـ[ ܒ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܘܙ‬ ‫݂ ܳ ܐ: 5:11 ܰܘܕ ܶ ݂‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ̱ ܝ. ܘ ܰ ܒܐ ܕ ܽ ܗܪܐ ܰ ܗܝ ܕ ܳ ܰ ܶ ܰ ܕ ܺ ܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̱݂‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‪T|Z‬‬ ‫‪T|Z‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫93‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܶ ܳ ܐ ܰܕ ܽ ܡ‬ ‫ܺ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽ ܗܪܗ. ܕ ܰ ܺ ܗܘܐ ܽ ܗܪܗ ܶ ܕ ܶ ݂ ܳ ܐ ܒ ̈ܰܐ ܶ ܐ ܰ ܓ ̈ܐܐ. ܘ ܳ ܐܶ ܰ‬ ‫̱ܳ‬ ‫ܶܐ ܰ ܳܪܐ ܒ ܰ ̈ ܰ‬ ‫ܕܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܡ ܽ ܗܪܐ ܕܙ ܺ ̈ ܰ ܗܝ. 6:11 ܰܘܐ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܺ ܰ ܒܐ ܳ ܳ ܐ: ܰ ܳܕ ̇ ܱ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܳ ܐ. ܰ ܕ ܺ ـ‬ ‫ܶ ܶܐ ܗܘܐ ܰ‬ ‫̱ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܐ̈ܪܙ ܐܬ ܺ ܝ ܽ ܗܪܗ ܕ ܰ ܒܐ ܰܕ ܰ ܰ ܪ ܗܘܐ ܶ‬ ‫̱ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̱ܱ‬ ‫ܶ ܶ ܺ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܗ.‬ ‫ܕܪ ܺ ـ ܺ ܗܘܘ ܶ ܐ̈ܪܙܱܘܗܝ ܘ‬ ‫̱ ̱‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܐܬ ܺ ܝ ܘ ݂ ܰ ܰ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܶ ܳ‬ ‫ܒ ܽ ܗܪܗ܆ ܗ ܰ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܶ ܳܐ ܘ ܶ ܒ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܕ ܶ‬ ‫ܰܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܒܐ. 7:11ܘ ܰ ܗ ܽܘ ܺܕ ܰ : ܘ ܰ ܒ ܰ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܺ ܳ ܶ ܺ ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܐܬ ܝ‬ ‫ܳ ܐ. ܰܘ ̱ ܳ ܐ̱‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ܰ ܺ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ݂ ܳ ܐ. ܰ ܒܐ ܕ ܰܪܒ ܽ ܬܐ ܶ ܳ ܳ ܐ: ܰܕܒ ̈ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܺ ܘ ܒ ܘܐܘܕ ܕ‬ ‫ܕ ܶ ܶ ܗܝ.‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܳܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽ ܳܪܐ ܕ ̈ ܳ ܶܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܢ ܒ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܕܬܕ ܺ ܳ ܐ ܒ ܰ ܽܘܬܐ܆ ܰܘ ܶ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫1:21ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܰܕ ܳ ܺ ܗܘ : ܰܘ ݂ ܶ ܘܐ ܰ ܳ ̱ ܝ ܰ ܽ ܳܕܐ ܗܘ ܕ ܽ ܗܪܐ ܳ ܶ ̇ ܰܕ ܰ ܬܐ܆ ܶܕ‬ ‫ܱ̇‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܬܘܒ ܰܪܒ ܐ ܳ ܬ ܰ 2:21ܰܘܒ ܶ ‪ ܰ c‬ܒ ܽ ̈ܪ ܰ ܆ ܰܘ ܰ ܐ ̈ܰ ܐ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܢ ܰ ܳ ܳ ܐ.‬ ‫ܶ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܳܘܐ ܕܬܕ ܳ ܬܗ. 3:21 ܰܘ ݂ ܰ ܬܘܒ ܶܕܐܬ ܚ ܰ ܳ ݂ܐ. ܐ‬ ‫ܰܘܒ ܶ ܳ ܐ܆ ܰ ܒ ܺ ـ ܗܘ‬ ‫݂ܽ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܬܪ ܳ ܐ ܰܪܒܐ. ܘܓܒ ܶ ܐ ܕܬ ܒ ܽ ܳ ܐ ܰ ݂ ܺ ܺ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܒܐ ܕ ܽ ܗܪܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܐ ̈ܰ ܽܘܢ܆‬ ‫ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽ ܗܪܗ ܕ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽܳ ܽ ܶ‬ ‫ܪܐ‬ ‫ܰ ܽܳ ܽ ܳ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܕܐ ܕ ܗܪܐ. ܘ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫ܰܘ ݂ ܶ ܘ‪ d‬ܘ ܳ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܐ ܳ ܐ ܕܐ̱ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܙ ܽ ܳܪܐ ܶ ܶ ܕ ܰ ܽ ܳܕܐ ܰܘܕ ܰ ܒܐ‬ ‫]ܕـ[ ‪]| C‬ـ[ ‪Zuv | T‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‪T | C Z vid‬‬ ‫ܘܒ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܒ ܽ ܳ ܐ ܕܐ̱ ܳ ܽ ܬܐ. 4:21 ܰܘ ܶ ܒ ܰ ܐ‬ ‫*‪Z1 | Z‬‬ ‫‪Z |Z‬‬ ‫1‬ ‫*‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫04‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܳ ̇ ܰ ܰ ܰܬ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܺ ܳܐ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܒܐ ܕ ܰ ݂‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ ܰ ܆ ܕ ܐ ܰ ܰ ܰܕ ܽ ܪ ܒ ܆ ܘ ܰ ـ ܰ .‪ܰ a‬ܘ ܰ ܳ ̱ ܝ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܬܐ.‬ ‫ܐ ݂ܺܗܝ‬ ‫ܽ ܳ‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫5:21ܘܐ ݂‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܕ ܳ ܓ ܽ ܬܐ ܒ ܽ ݂ܳܒܐ. ܰܘ ܰ ܘ ܶ ܳܘܐ‬ ‫ܰ ܳܕ ܺ ܰ . ܘ ܰ‬ ‫݂ܗ.‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܒܶ‬ ‫7:21ܘ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܓ ܶܐ ܕܐ̈ܪܙܐ ̈ ܰ ܳ ܐ܆ ܘ ܶ ܰܪܬ ܕ‬ ‫̈ ̱ܷ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܘܒ ܺ ܳ ܐ. ܰܕ ܳ ݂ܐ ܘܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܽܢ ܓ‬ ‫ܰ . ܽ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܒ ܶ ܗ ܰܕ . 6:21ܘ ܰ ݂‬ ‫ܺ ܽ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܓ ܐܘܬܗ ܺܕ ܶ ܕ ܽ ܗܪܐ.‬ ‫݂ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰܪܒܐ ܰܘܬ ܺ ܳ ܐ. ܘܐܬ ܰ ܒܒ ܘܐܬ ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܰ ܰ ܳ ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܒ ܽ ̈ܪ ܰ ܒ ܪ ̇ ܕ ܬܐ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ ܰ . ܰܘ ݂ ܰ ܳ ̱ ܝ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ܒ ܽ ܳ ܐ ܰܕܒ ̈ ܳ ܳ ܐ.‬ ‫ܰ .‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܕܒ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܙ ܽ ܳܪܐ ܘ ܰ ܺ ݂ ܳ ܐ ܘܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܒ ܶ ܳܘܐ. ܘܐ ܰ ݂ ܰ ܬܬ ܰ ܓ ܽ ܢ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ܇ ܕ ܳ ܰܕܐܒܐ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܕܪܒ ܽ ܬܐ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܬܐ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܽܢ ܒ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܗܪܐ ܗ݂ܘ ܕ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܱ̇‬ ‫ܰܐܪ ܺ‬ ‫ܶ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ݂ܗ. ܘܐܬ ݂ ܺ ܝ ܰ ܒ ܰ ̈ܳܕ ܶ ܐ‬ ‫1:31ܘ ܰ‬ ‫̈ ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܢ ܒ ܰ ܐ̈ܪܙܝ ̈ ܰ ܳ ܐ. ܘܬܘܒ ܬ ܰ ܢ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫̱ܱ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܢ ܽ ܗܪܐ ܗܘ ܕ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܒ ܶ ܳܘܐ ܰܕ ܰ ܽܘܢ܇ ܶܕܐܬ ܺ ܝ‬ ‫ܱ̇‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܶ ܳ ܐ. 2:31ܘܐܬ ܺ ܝ‬ ‫ܽ ܢ ܬܘܒ ܰܕ ܰ ܽ ܗܪܗ ܒ ܺ ̈ ܰ ܘܗܝ܆ ܘܐܬ ܺ ܝ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܶ ܳ‬ ‫ܳܳ ܽܳ ܰ ܺ ܳ ܰ ܺ ܳ ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܓ ܕ ܰ ܶ ܰ ܽ ̈ܪܘܗܝ ܕ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܶ ܽܘܢ‬ ‫ܐ ܘܒ ܐ.‬ ‫ܕܐ̱ ܐ ܙ ܪܐ ܘ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܳ ܶ ܶ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܒ ܽ ܬܐ ܕ ܳ ܰ ܽܘܢ.‬ ‫ܽ ܒ ܶ ܰܕܒ ܳ ܐ ܺ ـ ܺ ـ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܰܕܐܒܐ ܕܪܒ ܽ ܬܐ: ܐ ܴ ܐܢ ܐܬ ܺ ܝ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܒ ܽ ܬܐ ܶ ܳ ܐ:‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫̈ܳܢ ܕ ܶ ̈ܰ ܳ ܒ ܇ ܕ ̈ ܳ ܰܘ ܰ ܐ̈ܪܢ‬ ‫ܰܕܐ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܐ̱ ܳ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܽ ܳ ̈ܳ ܳ‬ ‫3:31ܘܬܘܒ ܐܬܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܶ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܐ ܽ ܢ ܐܒ ܕ ܺܐܒ ܽܘܢ ܒ ܽ ܰ ـ‬ ‫ܽ ܳ ܳ ܰ ̈ܰ ܽ ܰ ̈ ܰ ܳ ܳ ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܪ ܐ ܕ ـ ـ ܘܢ ܕܒ ܐ.‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫ܠ *‪Z1 | Z‬‬ ‫‪C Z vid | T‬‬ ‫14‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܰ ܺ ܳ ‪ܽ ܶ a‬‬ ‫ܬܐ ܕܙ ܐ܇‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܽܢ ܒ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܒ ܰܕܐܒܐ܆ ܰܘ ܰ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܽ ܬܐ ܕ ܳ ܳ ܓ ܽ ܬܐ: ܐܢ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܰܒ ܐ ܕ ܰ ܰـ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܒ ̇ . 4:31ܘܐ ܳ ܬܘܒ ܐܶ ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫̱ܰ ܳ‬ ‫݂ܽ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܐܶ ܽ ܬ ܰܕܐ ܶ ܐܶ ܽ ܢ ܒ ܒ ܽ ܒܐ ܰܘܒ ܰ‬ ‫ܳܶ‬ ‫ܕܪܕ‬ ‫ܰ ـ ̈ܰـ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܰ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܕ ܳ ܓ ܽ ܬܐ. ܘ ܰ ܕܘܢ ܰܘ ܰ ܒ ܽ ܢ ܒܐ ̈ܰܝ ܒܐ ܕܪܒ ܽ ܬܐ ܗܝ‬ ‫ܶܕܐ ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܪ ܳ ܽܘܢ܇ 5:31 ܰܘܐ ܒ ܐܶ ܽ ܢ ܕ ܳ ܺܐܒ ܽܘܢ ܒ ܽ ܰ ـ ܕܪܕ ܗܘܘ ܒ ̇ . ܘ ܶ ܺ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳܶ ̱ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܒ ܽܘ ܳ ܐ‪ܰ b‬‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ] ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ܆ ܰ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܒ ܽ ܳ ܰܙܒ ܶܐ ܽ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܐܬ ̇ ܺ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ ܳ ܬܗܘܢ ܐܶ ܴ ܬ ܒ ܰܘ ܰ ܶ ܺ ܒ . 6:31ܳܘܐܦ‪ܰ c‬ܐ ̱ ܽܘܢ ܶ ܶ ܡ ܶܕܐܬ ܶ ܬܘܢ ܶ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܳ ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫ܐܒ ܰ ܽ ܢ: ܐܦ ܽ ܶ ܶ ܡ ܺܕ ܶ ܽܘܢ ܶ ܐ̈ܪܙܐ ܰܕ ̈ ܒܐ ܕ ܳ ܶ ܗܘ ܽܘܢ ܒ ݂ܽܘܢ ݂ܒ ܘ‬ ‫̱ܷ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܢ. ܕܗܐ ܐ̈ܪܙܐ ̈ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܽ ܗܪܗ ܕ ܰ ܒܐ. ܰܕ ܰ ܶ ܗܘ ܽܘܢ ܶ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫ܽ ܶ ܶ ܡ ܶܕܐܬܐ ܰ ܘ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܷ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽܢ‬ ‫ܽ ܢ ܰ ܰ ܶ ܇ ܐ ܕ ܶ ܺ ܽܘܢ ܕܬ‬ ‫ܕܬ ܽܘܢ܆ ܗܐ ݂ܗ ܽܘ ܽ ܶ ܒ ܰ ܩ‬ ‫‪f‬‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܺ ܳ ̈ ܳ ܳ ̈ܶ ܳ ܰ ܺ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܽ ܢ ܕ ܳ ܓ ܽ ܬܐ. ܕ ܳ ܶ ܐ ̱ ܽܘܢ ܒ ܐܬܘܬܐ ܕܕ ܳ ܬܐ ̈ ܓ ܐܬܐ. 8:31ܘ ܰ ܒ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܺ ܳ‬ ‫ܳܶ ܰ ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫‪h‬‬ ‫ܐ ܕ ܺ ܳ ܐ ܒ ܰ ܬܐ >‪ <f.20r‬ܗܕܐ ܒ ̈ ܽ ܢ ܘ ܰ ܰ ܘ‪ g‬ܒ ܰ ܽܘܬܐ.‬ ‫ܢ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫7:31 ܰܘܬܗ‬ ‫ܬܘܒ ܰ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܽ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܒ ܳ ܳ ܐ.‪ܰ 13:9 a‬ܘ ܓ ܽ ܕܘ‪ ܺ b‬ܬܘܒ ܬ ܳ ]ـ ـ ـ ـ[‬ ‫ܕܙ ܐ ‪C corr | Z‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫ܐܦ ‪C Z vid | T‬‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫‪f‬‬ ‫‪g‬‬ ‫‪h‬‬ ‫‪i‬‬ ‫‪j‬‬ ‫ܶܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰܘ ܓ ܽ ܕܘ‪ ] i‬ـ ـ ـ[ ܐܬ ܶ .‪ j‬ܐ‬ ‫*‪Z1 | Z‬‬ ‫‪corr | Z‬‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫1‬ ‫*‪C corr | Z‬‬ ‫‪corr | C Z‬‬ ‫ܐܬ ܘ ‪ | Z‬ܐܬ‬ ‫1‬ ‫‪ | T‬ܘ ܝ ‪| Z‬ܘ‬ ‫*‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܘܬܐ ‪C Z vid | T‬‬ ‫*‪corr | Z1 | Z‬‬ ‫ܘ ‪cj | Z‬‬ ‫ܘ ܓ‬ ‫ܐܬ‬ ‫24‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܒ ܰ ܬ ܒ ܬܝ‪ e‬ܒ ܰ‬ ‫ܺ ܰ ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܐ ܝ܆‬ ‫ܶܕܐ ̇ ܶ‬ ‫ܱ‬ ‫ܺ .‬ ‫ܕܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ‪ܽ ܶ ܰ ܺ d ܽ ܰ ܳ ܽ ܰ ܳ c‬‬ ‫ܢ ܐܦ ܬ ܢ ܐ ܝ.‬ ‫ܐ̱‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫. ܳܐܦ ܳ ܬ ܰܪܒ ܽ ܬܗ ܳܕܐܒ ܺܐ ܰ ܝ. 01:31 ܰܘܒ ܽ ܽܘܟ ܐܶ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܗܪܐ܇ ܰܕܕ ܰ ݂ ܽ ܗܪܗ ܒ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܗ ܳ . ܶ ܰܪܒ ܽ ܬܗ ܳܕܐܒ ܇‬ ‫ܶܕܐ‬ ‫ܳܐܦ ܗ ܳ ܐ ܰܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫̈ܰ ܰ ܶ ݂ܐ ܳܐܦ ܬ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܕܙ ܺ ܶ ܐ̱ ܳ ܕ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܶ ܶ ܡ ܶܕܐܬ ܰ ܰ ‪ ܰ f‬ܒ ܽ ܶ ܳ ܳ ܐ܇ ܰܘܒ ܽ‬ ‫ܰܐܬܪ ܒܐ̈ܪܙܐ‪ g‬ܕ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫̱ܷ‬ ‫ܶ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܺ‬ ‫ܰ ܒ ܳ ܐ ܰܕܐ ܶ ܙ ܰ ܒ ̈ܒ ܶܐ ܒ ܐ ܰ ܳ ܳ .‪ h‬ܐ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܳܕܐܦ‬ ‫ܽ ܳ ܶ ܳܕܐܒ‬ ‫ܘܕܐ ̇ ܱ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽ ܢ ܰܐ ܕܙܕܩ ܰ ܳ ܽ ܬ ܽ ܢ ܐܬܓ ܺ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳܶ‬ ‫ܽ ܢ ܰ . 11:31ܘܐ ܳ ܰ ܽ ܢ ܳ ܶ ܐ̱ ܳ .‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܳ ̈ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܴ̇ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܽ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܘܗܘܐ ܐ̱ ܳ‬ ‫ܰܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܢ ܗܕ ܳ ݂ܐ ܒ ܽ ̇ ܐܘܪ ܳ ܐ ܳܕܐܙ ̱ ܐ ̱ ܽܘܢ ܒ ̇ . ܰ ̇ ܴ ܶ ܐ ̱ ܽܘܢ ܐܬܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܳ ܺ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܘܬܕ ܳ ܬܐ ܒ ̈ـ ܳ ܐ܆ ܘ ̈ ܳ ܶܐ ̈ܪܘܪܒܐ ܒ ܽ ̇ ܐܪ ܳ ܐ. ܘ ܽ ܳ ܽܘܢ ܕ ܽ ܽܘܢ ܐ̈ܪܙܐ‬ ‫݂ܶ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܷ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽܺ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܒܐܘܪ ܶ ܬܘܒ ܬܶ ܽܘܢ܇ ܘ ܶ ݂ ܰ‬ ‫ܽ ܢ ܽ ܶ ܶ ܡ ܶܕܐܬ ܰ ܰ ܰ ܽ ܢ. 21:31ܘܬ ܽܘܢ ܬܘܒ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̈ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܳܐܬܘܬܐ ܕ ܰ ܺ ܽ ܬܐ. ܳܐܦ ܐܶ ܺ ܳ ܐ ܒ ܺ ܳ ݂ܐ ܘ ܰ ܳ ܳ ܐ. ܰܐ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܳܕܐܦ ܒ ̈ܰ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܰ ܽ ܢ ܰ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܘ ܶ ܒ ܽ ܢ ܕ ܶ ܒ ܽܘܢ ܶ ܶ ܡ ܶܕܐܬ ܰ ܰ ܒ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܒ ܺ ܐ ݂ ܐ.‪ i‬ܘ ܶ ܽ ܢ ܕ ܶ ܘܐ ܺ ܽܘܢ.‪13:13 j‬ܐ ܴ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫ܐ ‪C Z vid | T‬‬ ‫‪Z |Z‬‬ ‫1‬ ‫*‬ ‫ܒ ܘ ܐ ‪ vel‬ܒ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܕܐܬ‬ ‫ܘ ܓܕ‬ ‫‪T corr | Z‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪f‬‬ ‫‪T corr | Zuv‬‬ ‫‪g‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪h‬‬ ‫‪T corr | Z‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪i‬‬ ‫‪j‬‬ ‫ܐ ‪corr | Z‬‬ ‫ܘܢ ‪C cj | Z‬‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ـ‬ ‫34‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܽ ܶ ܶ ܶ ܳܶ ܰ ܳ ܶ ܰ ܶ ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܰܘ ܓ ܽ ܗܘܢ ܘܐ. ܘܨܒ ܕܐܒܐ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ ܐ.‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫̱ ܰ ܕ ܺܐ ܰ ܐ ܶ ܇‬ ‫ܺ ܳܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܓ ̈ܐܬܐ ܕ ܳ ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܽ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܰܰ ܗ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܕ ̇ ܴܒ ܺ ܆‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܽ ܶ‬ ‫ܽ ܪ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܕ ̈ܰ ܰ ܗܝ ܕ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܰ ܶ‬ ‫1:41ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܰ ܬܐ: ܰ ܳܪܘ ܺܙ ܰ ܆ ܘ ̇ ܴ ܶ .‬ ‫ܽܢ‬ ‫ܘܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ـܳ ܶ ܓ ܽ ܢ ܰ‬ ‫ܺ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܓ ݂ܐܐ ݂ ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܐ̈ܪܙܐ ܕܪܒ ܽ ܬܐ ܗܝ ܕ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܴ̇‬ ‫̱ܷ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܽ ܬܪܐ ܕܪܒ ܽ ܬܗ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܕ ܳ ܶ ܰ ܕܗ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ . 2:41 ܰܘ ݂ ܰ‬ ‫ܕܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̈ܳ ܺ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫̈ ܳ ܗܘܝ ܐ ̈ܓ ܳ ܬܐ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܒ ܰ ܬܐ ܰ‬ ‫̱ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܓ ܳ ܐ ܗܘ ܽ ܶ ܕ ܺ‬ ‫ܰ ܱ̇‬ ‫ܽ ܳܪܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ݂ܰ .‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܒ ܺ ـ ܰ ̱ ܷܳ̈ܪܙܐ ܕܓ ̈ ܳ ܶܐ ܕ ܽ ܗܪܗ ܕ ܰ ܒܐ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܒ ܶ ܆ ܰܘ ܶ ܢ ܶ‬ ‫̱ܳ‬ ‫̈ܶ ܳܘ ܶ ܶܕܐܬ ܺ‬ ‫ܶ̈ ܳ‬ ‫ܘ ܽ ܬܕ ܳ ܬܐ‬ ‫ܓ ̈ ܳ ܶܐ ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ .‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܶ ܗܘܐ ܰ‬ ‫̱ܳ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ̈ܶ ܰܘ‬ ‫ܶܕܐܬ ܺ ܝ ܰ . 3:41ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܺ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܽ ܗܪܐ ܕ ̈ ܓ ܐܢ ܒ‬ ‫ܳ .‬ ‫ܳܕܐ ̇ ܱ ܆ ܰܕ ̇ ܺ‬ ‫̈ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܰ ܳܕܐ ̇ ܱ ܆ ܰܕ ̇ ܺ‬ ‫ܰ ܽ ܳܕܐ ܺܕܐ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ̈‬ ‫ܶ ܰ ܰܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܒ ܬ ܓ ܶܐ ܕܐ̈ܪܙܐ ܰ ܳ ܐ. ܘ ܳܕ ̇ ܷ‬ ‫̈ ̱ܷ‬ ‫ܺ ܳܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܶܕܐܬ ̈ܝ‪ ܰ b‬ܘ ̈ܶܕ ܳ ܬܐ‪ ܰ c‬ܓ ̈ܐܬܐ. 4:41ܐ‬ ‫ܳܕܐ ̇ ܱ ܆ ܰܕ ܺ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ݂ܐ ܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܳܳ ܺ‬ ‫ܨ ܽܘ̈ܪܬܐ ܰܕܬ ̈ ܳ ܢ. ܺܘܐ‬ ‫ܳܕܐ ̇ ܱ ܆ ܰܕ ̇ ܺ‬ ‫5:41 ܺܘܐ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܶܕ ̈ ܳ ݂ܬܐ ܕ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܕ ܽ ܬܐ ܒ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܗ ܳ . ܺܘܐ‬ ‫ܳܕܐ ̇ ܆ ܰܕ ̇ ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫݂ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܨ ܺ ܒܐ ܘܒ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܽ ܗܪܐ‬ ‫ܰ ܽܠ‬ ‫ܰܕ ܶ‬ ‫ܳܕܐ ̇ ܱ ܆ ܰܕ ̇ ܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܒ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܰ ܺ ܰܘ ܰ ܐܪ ܒ ܶ ܘܗ ܘ ܰ ܺ ܝ. 6:41 ܺܘܐ‬ ‫݂ܶ‬ ‫̈ ܳ ܶ ܽ ܶ‬ ‫ܰܕܬ ܶ ܰ ܗܝ܇ ܰ ܺ‬ ‫ܐܕ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ ܐ. ܺܘܐ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫ܕܐܬ‬ ‫ܕܐܬ ܝ ‪T | Z‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܕ ܬܐ ‪Z T | C‬‬ ‫‪uv‬‬ ‫ܝ *‪Z1 | Z‬‬ ‫44‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܰܕ ܶ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܰ .‬ ‫ܳܕܐ ̇ ܱ ܆‬ ‫ܳܕܐ ̇ ܱ ܆ ܰܕ ̇ ܺ‬ ‫̱ܽ‬ ‫ܗܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ . 8:41 ܺܘܐ‬ ‫ܰ ܺ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܺ ̈ ܐ. 7:41 ܺܘܐ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳܘܐ ̇ ݂‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܐܬ ܰ ݂ ܰ ܕ ܶ‬ ‫ܺـ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰܘ ܓ ܘ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫ܒ ܽܘ ݂ ܳ ܐ. ܘ ܳ‬ ‫̈ܺ ܶ ܐ. ܰ ܳ‬ ‫̈ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܒ‬ ‫ܒ ܽ ܒ ܳ ܐ܁ ܰܘ ݂ ܰ ܚ ܰ ܒ ܶ ܐ܆ ܰܘܐ ܺ‬ ‫ܶ ‪ܽ ܶ ܰ ܳ ܰ c‬‬ ‫ܘ ܰ ܺ ܳ ܐ ܗܝ ܰ ܬܗ ܕ ܬܢ.‬ ‫̱‬ ‫̇ ܶ‬ ‫ܴ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰܕ ̇ ܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܗܝ ܬ̈ܪ ܶ ܐ ܰܕ ܳ ݂ ܳ ܐ.‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܰ ܘ ܳ ܐ ܶ ܳ ܳ ܐ. ܘ ̈ܰ ܰ ܶ ܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܺ‬ ‫̈ܰ ܶ ܐ ܺܕܐ ̈ܰ ܽܘܢ. ܘܪܘ ܳ ܐ ܰ ܰ ܺ ܳ ܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܰܘ ̈ܳ ܐ ܰܕ ܳ ܶ ܐ‪ d‬ܘ ̈ܰ ܰ ܶ ܐ‪ܰ e‬‬ ‫ܷ‬ ‫ܺ ܳ ܳ ܳ ܰ ܺ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܘ ܰ ܒ ܳ ܐ ܳܙ ܽ ܬܐ ܳ ܰ ܗܝ. ܰܘ ܰ ܺ ܰܘ ܰ ܺ ‪ܽ ܽ f‬ܘܢ‬ ‫ܬܓܐ ܘ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ ܰ ܳ ܬܐ ܺ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܰ ܺ ܽ ܬܗ܇ ܕܗܝ ܙ ܳ ܶ ܗ ܽ ܶ ܰܐܓ ܽ ܳ ܕ ܽ ܰ ـ ܰܘܕ ܰ ܬܐ. 9:41ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܻ̇‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܰ ܇ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰܪܒ ݂ ܐ‬ ‫̈ܰ‬ ‫>‪<f.20v‬‬ ‫ܰ ܺ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܰܘܐ ܳ ܬܗ ܰܘܕ ̈ ܓ ܐܢ ܶ ܶ ݂ . ܰ ܒ ܺ ـ ܗܘ݂ ܰܘ ܶ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܺ ܰ ܶ ܽ ܪ ̈ܶ ܳ ܶܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܽ ܶ ܶ ܡ ܰܕ ݂ ܰ ܰܘ ܰ ܬ ܳ . 01:41 ܰܘܒ ܰ ܽܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܘܒ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܰܪܒܐ ܺܐ ܰ ̱ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܗܘ ܇ ܕ ܳ ݂ ܶ ܰ ܕ ܶ ܶܐ ܳ ܶܕܐ ܽ ̇ ܰ ܗܒ ܐ ܕ ̈ܰ ܶܐ:‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰܺ‬ ‫ܶ ܐ ܘܙܕ ̈ ܶ ܐ ܰܘ ̈ܒ ܶܐ ܘ ܰ ̈ ܶ ܰܨ ܺ .‪ g‬ܘ ܰ ܒ ܘ‪ h‬ܘ ܰ ܺ ‪ a‬ܕ ܶ ܽܘܢ ܗ ܳ ܶ ܳܘܐ‬ ‫̈ ܰ ܳ ܶܐ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ ܰ ܳ ܶ ܺ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܗ ܕ ܰ ܒܐ ܕ ܽ ܗܪܐ: ܳ ̇ ܷ ܒ ̈ܰ ܶܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܗܘܐ ܙܒ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫̱݂‬ ‫ܗ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ‬ ‫ܕܽ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̈ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܰ ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܘ.‬ ‫ܰ ܗܝ.‬ ‫̱‬ ‫*‪Z1 | Z‬‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫‪Z sic‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫ܗ ‪T corr | Z‬‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫ܐ ‪C Z vid | T‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪f‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫1 ‪g‬‬ ‫*‪Z | Z‬‬ ‫ܨ‬ ‫‪h‬‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫*‪Z1 | Z‬‬ ‫ܘ ܒ‬ ‫54‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܺ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܒ ܺ ـ ܗܘ ܆ ܶ ܶ ݂ ܳ ܐ ܳ ܳ ܬܘܒ ܒ ܽ ܗܪܐ ܰ ܓ ܐܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶܳ ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܐܬܐ ܕ ̈ ܇ ܶ ܰܪܘ ܳ ܐ ܶ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܕܪܒ ܽ ܬܐ. ܰ ܐ ̇ ܱ ܰ ܆ ܕ ܽ ܶ ܶ ܡ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܶ ܶ‬ ‫ܽ ܳ ܰܺ ܺ ܰ ܽ ܽ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ‪b‬‬ ‫ܐ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܐ ̱ ܘܢ܆‬ ‫ܢ ܘܗܐ ܬ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ: ܘܐܬܐ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܓ ܐ ܳ ܕ ܶ ܰ ܕ ܶ ܰ ܥ ܐ̈ܪܙܐ ܽ‬ ‫ܶ ̱‬ ‫̱ܷ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ܒ ܐ ܕ ܰ ܽ ܬܗ ܰܕܐܒܐ. ܘ ܐ̱ ܳ ̇ ܴ ܰ ܥ ݂ܳܒܐ. ܐ ܴ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܱ ܰ ܺ ܽ ܬ ܰ ܽ ܬܐ ܕ ܰ ܰ ܒ ܗ ܰܕܐܒܐ܇ ܕܒ ݂ܗܽܘ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܒ ܳ ܰܘܒ ܶ ܐ ܳ ‪ d‬ܘܐ ܰܕܪܘ‪ ܶ ̈ e‬ܐ ܶ ܳ ̈ܐ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫‪15:2 c‬‬ ‫1:51ܘ ܰ ܗ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ـ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܬܐ ܕ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܒܺ‬ ‫ܰܕ ܰ ܽܘܢ ܰܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܐ ܕ ܰ ̈ܐ ܶ ܒ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰܪܒ ܽ ܬܐ.‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܺܕ ـ ܺ ـ ܳ ܽ ܬܐ. ܐܶ ܐܢ ̇ ܕ ܰ ܺ‬ ‫ܱ‬ ‫ܴ‬ ‫ܶ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܐܢ ܳ ܰ ܶ ܶ ܐ ܕ ̈ܰ ܶܐ: ܓ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܇ 3:51ܘܒ‬ ‫ܺ ܰ‬ ‫ܐ ܘܗܝ ܰ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܘܬ ̈ ܳ ܶܐ ܰܕܐܒܐ ܕܪܒ ܽ ܬܐ: ܘ ̈ܰ ܰ ܶ ܐ ܘ ܰ ̈ ܰ ܳ ܬܐ ܘ̈ܪ ܶ ܐ ܘ ̈ܰ ܺ ܳ ܶܐ܇ ܳܐܦ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܗ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܒ ܇ ܘܪܘ ܳ ܐ ܘ ܽ ܳ ܐ ܘܐܘܪ ܳ ܐ ܘ ܽ ܬ ܳ ܐ. 4:51ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܕܳ ܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܶ ܡ ܐ̱ ܺ ܢ ܺܕܐ ܘܗܝ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܺ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܕ ܰ ̈ܐ. ܗ ܰ ܓ ܒ ܝ ܰ ܒ ܒܐ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ‬ ‫ܳܶ‬ ‫ܕܙܕܩ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫̈ܰܒ ܒ ܗܝ܇ ܐ‬ ‫ܺ ܰ ̱‬ ‫5:51ܗ ܰ ܕܒ ܶ ܩ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܪܓ ܳ ܳ ̇ ܕ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ̈ ܶ ܐ ̈ܰ ̱ܬܐ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܐ ܰܘܕܐ̈ܪܙܐ‬ ‫̱ܷ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫‪f‬‬ ‫‪g‬‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܒ ܶ ܶܨܒ ܳ ܶ ܰܕܐܒܐ ܕܪܒ ܽ ܬܐ: ܰܐܘ ܰܕܗ ܳܘܐ ܒ ܰ‬ ‫݂ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܺ ݂ ـ ̈ܪ ܶ ܐ ̈ܰ ܳ ܶܐ. ܗ ܰ ܓ ܰ ̈ ܳ ܐ ܰܕܐܒܐ‬ ‫ܳ ܴ̇‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܘ ܶ ܺ ـ ܰ ܰ ܰ ܒ ܽ ‪ ܰ ܶ f‬ܗܒ ܗ ܰܕܒ ܳ ܐ.‬ ‫ܰܘ ܰ‬ ‫‪g‬‬ ‫ܶ ܳ‬ ‫ܺ ܒ . ܗܰ‬ ‫ܰܘ ̈ܰ ܳ ܶܐ ܰ ܶ ܕ ܶ ܬ ܺ ܺ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫‪T|Z‬‬ ‫ܘܐܬ‬ ‫ܢ ‪T corr | Z‬‬ ‫*‪Z1 | Z‬‬ ‫‪Z |Z‬‬ ‫‪Z |Z‬‬ ‫‪T|Z‬‬ ‫1‬ ‫1‬ ‫*‬ ‫ܪܒ ܬܐ ܘܐܬ‬ ‫ܕܪ *‪Z1 | Z‬‬ ‫*‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܘܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫64‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܽ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫̈ ܰ ܳ ܐ. ܗ ܰ ܺܕܐ ܰ ܘܗܝ ܨܘܪܬܗ ܘ ܽ ܶ ܰܕܐܒܐ ܕܪܒ ܽ ܬܐ܇ ܰܕܒ ܽ ܒ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܽ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶܨܒ ܳ ܶ ܰܕܐܒ ܽ ܗܝ. ܗ ܰ ܕ ܶ ܪ ݂ ܶ ܘ ܶ ܰ ܰ ܐ‬ ‫6:51ܗ ܰ ܒ ܳ ܐ ܺـ ܺ ـ ܳ ܳ ܐ܇ ܓ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܴ̇‬ ‫ܶ ܽܳ ܰ ܰ ܺ ܳ ܶ ܳ ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܐ ܕ ̇ ܴ ܶ ܐ܇ ܶ ܽ ܕܗܘ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܕ ܶ .‬ ‫ܐܘ ܓܓ ܗ‬ ‫ܱ̇‬ ‫ܳ ܐ ܪ ܷ̇‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܳ ܽ ܰ ̈ܰ ܳ ܳ ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫݂ ܰ‬ ‫ܪ ܘܢ ܕܒ ܐ.‬ ‫ܕ ܺܐܒ ܽܘܢ܆ ݂ܶܒ‬ ‫7:51ܗ ܰ ܶܕܐܬ ܰ ܰ ܰܘܗ ܳܘܐ ܒ ܳ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܒ ܶ ܒ ܳ ܶ ܰ ܓ ܳ ܐ ܨܘܪܬܐ ܰ ܐܪܬܐ܇ ܕܒ ܶ ܺ ܗܝ ܰ ܬܐ܇ ܘ ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܕ ܰ ܬܐ܇‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܶ ܶ .‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܺ ܒ . 8:51ܗ ܰ ܕܒ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܰܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܶ ܕܪ ܺ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܰ ̈ܶܐ ܰܕ ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܕܶ ܠ‬ ‫ܴ̇ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̱ ܳ‬ ‫̈ܳ ܳ ܺ‬ ‫ܗܘ ܺ ̈ ܶ ܐ ܳܘܐܬܘܬܐ ܒܐ ܳ ܐ ܰܕ ̈ܰ ܰ ܗܝ. ܗ ܰ ܒ ܳ ܐ ܓ ܺ ܳ ܐ ̇ ܴܒ ܶܨܒ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܳ ܽ ܶ . ܗ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܐܘܪ ܳ ܐ ܘܬܪ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܽ ܗܪܐ ܰ ܶ ܕ ܳ ܺ ܒ . 9:51ܗ ܰ ܰܕܒ ܽ‬ ‫ܺܐ ܰ ܘܗܝ. ܘ ܰ ܽ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ̈ ݂ ܶܐ. ܕܗܘ ܽ ܳܙܪܘ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ . ܗܘ ܽ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܕ ܶ ܶܨ ܰ ܝ ̇ ܴ ܶ‬ ‫ܽ ܪ ܳ ܳܐ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܰ ̈ܐ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ . ܗܰ‬ ‫ܘܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܕܶ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܳ ܐ ܕ ܰ ݂ ̈ܶܐ. ܘܗܘ ܽ ܳܪ ܳ ܐ ܰܕ ܳ ܳܪܐ: ܕ ܳ ̇ ܷ ܒ ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܳ ̈ ܶ ܐ. ܗܘ ܽ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܐ ܰܕ ܓ ܶ ܐ ܕ ܰ ̈ܐ. 01:51ܗ ܰ ܰܕ ܰ ܽܘܢ‬ ‫ܽ ܳܐ‬ ‫ܓ ܶܕܐ: ܳܐ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰܪܒܐ ܰܕ ܰ ܶ ܐ ܒ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰܕܒ ̈ܶ ܳ ܬܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܽܒ ܶ ܇‬ ‫ܘܐ ܳ ܘܗ ݂ ܽܘ‬ ‫ܶ ݂‬ ‫ܺ ܳܳ ܺ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܽ ܢ܇ ܘ ܶ ̈ܪ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܓ ̈ܐܬܐ ܐ ܘܗܝ ܶܕܐܬ ̈ ܺ ܝ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܘܐ̱ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܗܝ ܳ ܳ ܐܡ. ܳܐ ܳ ܰ ܰܪܒ ܽ ܬܗ ܕ ܺ ܐ ܰ ܰܕܐ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܺܕܐ ܰ ܘܗܝ.‪ a‬ܐܶ ܴ ܐܶ ܳ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ܺ ܰ‬ ‫ܕܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܒܽ ܐ ܕ ܶ ܳ ـ .‬ ‫ܰ ܗܝ ܰ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܕ ܶ ܶ ܗܝ: ܰܘܐ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܰܰ‬ ‫ܶܕܐ ܰ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫ܺ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ ܰܘܕ ̈ܰ ܓ ܐܢ ܶ ܶ : ܐܬ ̈ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ̈ܪܢ ܐ‬ ‫̈ܶܕ ܳ ܢ‬ ‫1:61ܘ ܰ ܗ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܓ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܶܕܐܬ ܺ ܝ ܰ ܆ ܗ ܽܘ ܰ ܒܐ ܒ ܽ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫ܘܗܝ ‪Z | T‬‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫74‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܶ ܡ ܰܕ ݂ ܰ . 2:61ܘܐܬ ܰ ܒ‬ ‫ܰ ܰܬ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܺ ـ ܰ ܕ ܺܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܒ ܰ ̈ ܳ ܳ ܐ ̈ܰ ܳ ܷ ܐ ܐܶ ܰ ܢ ܰ ܗܝ. ܰ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫̱݂‬ ‫ܒ ܽ ܳ ̇ ܰ ܺ ܰ ܢ ܘܒ ܘܕ >‪ܰ <f.21r‬ܘܒ ܽ ̈ܪܒ ܶܐ ܕ ̈ܰ ܳ ܐ ܘ ̈ܰ ܺ ܶ ܐ: ܗ ܽ ܢ ܰܕܐ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܴ̇‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̈ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܺ ܰ ܒ ܰ . ܰܘ ܰ ܒ ܰ ܽܘܬܐ ܰܪܒ ܳ ܐ܁ ܰ‬ ‫ܓ ܶܐ ܕܐ̈ܪܙܐ ̈ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܺ ݂ ܺ ‪ b‬ܗܘܘ ܒ ̇ ܶ‬ ‫̱ܰ ܳ‬ ‫̈ ̱ܷ‬ ‫ܶ ܳ ܰ ܳ ܽ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫̈ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܳܪܘܙ ܶ ܒ ܳ ܬܢ‪ ܺ c‬ܐܬܐ ܰ ܬܪܐ ܶܕܐܬ ܶ ܰ ܕ ܶ ܓ ܽ ܕ ܶ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܘܐ ܕ ܒܐ ܕ ܗܪܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܰܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܒ ـ ܳܐ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫. 3:61ܘܐܬ ܺ ܝ ܰ ܬܘܒ ݂ܗ ܽܘ ܗܕ ܰ ܺܘܐ ܓ ܰ ܢ ܳ ܒܐ ܘ ܽ ܗܪܢ ܓ ܺ ܳ ܐ: ܰܘ ܰ ܒ ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܰܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫݂ܗܽܘ ܰ ܒܐ. ܰ ܳܐܬܐ ܳ ܰ ܆ ܰܘ ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܷ̇‬ ‫ܽ ̇ ܰ ܺ ܢ ܶ ܽ ܽܘܢ‬ ‫ܽ ܶ ܶ ܳ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܗܪܗ ܕ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܗܘ‬ ‫ܺ ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ܺ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܓܒ ܘ ܰ ܰ ܪ ܰ ܒ ܽ ܗܪܗ ܰ ܳ ݂ܐ. 4:61ܘ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܕ ܰ ܳܪܐ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳܰ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰܕܙ ܰ ܶ ܽ ܗܪܗܘܢ ܒ ܰ ̈ ܰ ܗܝ. ܰܘܒ ܴܐ ܘܒܐ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܒ ܽ ܗܪܗ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܺ ̱ܰ‬ ‫ܳܪܘܙ ܗܘ ܘ ̇ ܴ ܶ . ܕ ܳ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܰܘܕ ܳ ܶ ܽܘܬܐ. 5:61ܘܗ ܽܘ ܰ ܶ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܺ ܺ ̱ܰ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܺ ܳ ̈ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܕ ܶ ܶ ܐ ܒ . ܰ ܳ ܺ ـ ܗܘ ܘ ܳܪܘܙ . ܐܦ ܙܘܕ ܰ ܓ ̈ܐ ‪ d‬ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܰ ܶ ܺ ܺ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ. ܐ ܴ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܶ ܰ ܒ ܶ ݂ܗ ܳ ܓ ܗܘܘ. ܰ ݂ܗ ܽܘ ܳ ܶ ܐ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܕ ܗ ܳܘܐ ܒܐܘܪ ܳ ܐ ܳܪܕ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܰܳ ܳ‬ ‫̈ܪܘܬܐ ܰܕ ܳ ܰ ݂ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܒܐ ܕ ܰ ܰ ݂ܗ ܽܘ ܰ ܷ ܐ‬ ‫ܐܬ ̈‬ ‫ܗܘ . ܰ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܰܳ‬ ‫ܐܘ ܳ ܒ ܺ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܰ ̈ ܰ ܆ ܘܳ ܳ ܺ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܰ ܒ ܽ ܗܪܗ܆ 6:61 ܰܘ ܺ ـ ܗܘܐ ܰ‬ ‫̱ܳ‬ ‫̱ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܳ‬ ‫̱ܳ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܗܘ . ܘ ܽ ̈ܪܐ ܘ̈ܪ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܰܘܐܬܪܘܬܐ ܰ ̈ ܶ ܐ ܳ ܰ ݂ ܰ ܶ ܐ ܗܘܐ. ܳܐܦ ܰ‬ ‫ܽ ܳ ܶ ܳ ܶ ܽ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܰܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܗܪܗ ܕܗܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܪܓ ‪ ܳ e‬ܒ ܺ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܘܢ ܕ ܕ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܽ ̇ ܽܘܬܢ܆ ܐ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫1‪Z* | Z‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪T cj | Z mut‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‪T | Z mut‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫ܐܢ ‪T corr | Z‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫‪corr | Z‬‬ ‫ܓ‬ ‫ܪܓ‬ ‫84‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ܰܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܳ ̈ܺ‬ ‫ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܢ. ܘܐ ܰ ܝ ܕܬܘܒ ܳ ܒ ܺ ܗܘ ܒܐܬ̈ܪܘܬܐ ܕ ܰ ̈ ܳ ܬܐ ]ܘܕ ̈ ܰ ܳܘܬܐ ܒ ܶ ܐ.‬ ‫̱‬ ‫̈ܳ‬ ‫ܰܐܘ ܺ ܗ ܽܘ ܰ ܒ ܳ ܰ ܰܘ ܰ ܕ ܳ ݂ ܰ ܒ ܽ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ.‪ܰ 16:7 b‬ܘܒ ܽ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܗܘ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̈ܰ ܰ‬ ‫̱ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ̱ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܶܐ ܗܘܐ ܰ ܰ ܶ ܰ ܒ ܽ ܒ ܶ ݂ . ܰܘ ܗܘܐ ܶ ܒ ܳ ܬܢ ܰ ܽܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ܳ‬ ‫ܳܶ ̱ܰ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܽ ܽܘܢ ܐܘ ܺ : ܕܪܕ ܗܘ ܒ ܽܘܢ ܒ ܰ ̈ ܰ ݂ ܙ ܽ ܺܪ ܗ ܰܘܘ ܘ ܰ ܺ ܺ .‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰܙ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܘ ܽ ܗܪܢ ܬ ܺ ܳ ܐ܆ ܕܪܒ ܗ ܽܘ ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܽ ܳ ܐ ܰܕܒ ̈ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܰܕ ܰ ܺ ܗܝ܆‬ ‫̱‬ ‫̱‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫ܰ ܺ‬ ‫ܳܕ ܶ‬ ‫̱ܳ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܶܓ ܰ‬ ‫̈ܶܕ ܳ ܢ ܘ ̈ܶ ܳܘ ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰܪܒ ܐ. ܰܘܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܕܺ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ‬ ‫݂ܗܽܘ‬ ‫ܰ ̱ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܒ ܗܘܐ ܰ ܒ ܰ ـ ܶ ܰܙ ܳ ܳ ܐ.‬ ‫̈ܰ ܳ ܶ ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܺ ܰ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܽܘܪ ܶ ܐܬܪܐ ܒ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܕܗܒܒܐ. ܕܒ ܐ ܰ ܐ ܓ ܰ ܢ ܒܐ‬ ‫݂ ݂‬ ‫1:71ܘ ܰ ̇ ܱ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰܪܘ̈ܪܒ ܶ ̇ ܘ̈ܪ ܳ ܶ ̇ . ܘ ܐ ܢ܆‬ ‫ܰܕ ܓ ܽ ܽ ܬ ܽ ܢ. ܶ ܽ ܕ ܶ ܗܘܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܴ̇ ̱ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ܰ ܳܰ ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܒ .‬ ‫ܰ . ܰܘ ܰ ܶ ܗܘ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ. ܕ ܺ ܳ ܐ ܕܪܒ ܽ ܬܐ‬ ‫̈ܶ ܐ. 3:71ܘܐ ܰ ܢ‬ ‫ܰܘ ܺ ـ ܳ ܐ܁ ܘ ܰ ـ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܘ ܰ ܽܘ ܳ ܐ:‬ ‫ܰܕ ݂ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܓ ܳ ܐ. ܘܐܬ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܬ ܳ . 4:71ܘܐܬ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܳ ܐ ܰܕ ܒ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܓ ܆‪ c‬ܘܙ‬ ‫ܰ ̇ ܽܺ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܓ ܳ ܗ ܕܐܘܪ ܶ . 2:71ܘܐ‬ ‫ܳ ܶܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܐ ܳ ܐ ܶ ݂ ܐ ܐܬ ݂ ܽܘܢ‬ ‫ܐ̱ܳ̈ܪ ܷܙܐ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܐ. ܐܘ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫̱ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܕ ܳ ـ ܺ ܗܘ ܒ ܳ ݂ ܳ ܐ. ܘ ܳ ܓ ܺ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܓܽ‬ ‫ܕ ܳ ܺ ܗܘܘ ܒܐ̈ܪܙܱ݂ ܰܘ ܰ ܒ ܽ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫̱ܰ ̱‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܳ ܐ ݂ ܰ ܒܐܬܪܢ. ܐ ܶܕܐܬ ̇ ܶ ܢ ܶ ܐܒ ܰ . ܕ ܰ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܶܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰܐ ̈ܰ ܽ ܶ ܳ ܳ ܐ. ܐܬ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܬܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܕ ܳ ܷ̇ ܒ ܰ ܶ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫̈ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܽܳܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܽ ܶ ܳܐܬܘܬܗ ܘܨܘ̈ܪܬܐ ܰܕ ܳ ܽܘܬܗ ܺ ܳ ܐ܇ ܒ ܽ ܬܐ ܕܐ̱ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ܳ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܰ ܒ ܰ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫̇ ܴ ܶ ܒ ܽ ̈ܪܒ ܰ ܕ ̈ܰ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܺ ݂ ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܒ ܰ ܰ ܬ ܓ ܶܐ ܕܐ̈ܪܙܐ ̈ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܒ ܽ ܪ ̈ ܳ ܶܐ.‬ ‫̈ ̱ܷ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫ܐ ‪C cj | Z‬‬ ‫‪Z | T cj‬‬ ‫*‪Z1 | Z‬‬ ‫ܐ ‪ | T cj‬ܘ̈ܪ ܘܬܐ ܒ ̈‬ ‫ܘܐ‬ ‫ܐܒ̈‬ ‫ܘ̈ܪܘ‬ ‫ܓ‬ ‫94‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܰܕܒ ܽ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܐ.‬ ‫ܶ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܒ ܶ ܳܘܐ ܰܪܒܐ܆ ܕ ܺ ܐܬܐ ܰ ܬܪܐ ܗ ܳ ܕ ܶ ܓ ܽ ܕ ܶ ܒ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܰ ـ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܘ ܳ ܽܘ ܳ ܐ ܘ ̇ ܴ ܒ‬ ‫ܴ̇ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ . ܘܗ ܽܘ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܰ ܒ ܺ ܶ ܗ܇ ܰܘ ܰ ܶ ܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܰܒ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫5:71ܘ ̇ ܱ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫̈ ݂ ܶ ܐ. ܘܒܐ ܶ ܗ‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܐܬܪ‪ ̈ b‬ܓ ܽ ܶܕܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܶ ܰܪ ܶ ܐ ܳ ܶ ܐ ܽ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ ܽܶ‬ ‫ܰܕ ܺ ̱ ܐ ܗܪܘܕܣ‬ ‫ܺ ـ ܳ ܐ ܘ ܳ ܽܘ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܺ ܐ. ܐ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܶܐ‬ ‫ܳܐ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ‬ ‫̈ ܒܐ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܶ . 6:71ܘ ܰ ܰ ܪ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܕܶ ܺ ܶ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰܕܐܬܪܐ. ܘ ܶ ܐܠ ܐ ݂ܽ ܢ ܰܕܐ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܕ ̈ ܶ ܐ. ܘ ܽ ܽܘܢ ܶ ܰ ܽ ܡ ܐ ݂ ܰ ܘ‪ ܶ e‬܆ ܕܒ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܒ ܳ ܐ ܰ ܳ ܳ ܐ ݂ܰܕܗ ܳܘܐ ܒ ܰ ܒ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܰ ܓ . ܘ ܰ ܳܪܘܙ ݂ ܰ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫8:71ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܇ܐ‬ ‫ܰܒ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܶ ܶ‬ ‫ܗܪ ܽܘܕܣ‬ ‫ܘ ܰ ـ ܳ ܳܐ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܶܕܐܬܐ ܰ ‪ܰ ܶ f‬ܪܒ ܽ ܬܐ ܶ ܳ ܐ ܒ ܽ ܢ ܰܕܘ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܰ ܶ ܽܘܢ ܶ ܶ ܡ ܶܕܐ ݂ ܰ ܘ‪ g‬ܬܘܒ ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܘ ܰ ܰ ܒ ܳ ܰ ܆ ܬܘܒ ܰ ܺ ܳ ܺܐ ܰܐܘ ܶ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܰ ܽܘܬܐ.‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܶܰ‬ ‫̱ܳ ܷ ܶ‬ ‫ܐ̈ܪܙܐ ܘܓ ̈ܳ ܷ ܐ ܽ ܽܘܢ ܘܬ ̈ ܒ ܳ ݂ܐ. ܐܙ ܒ ܰ ܽܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܶ ܳ ܰ ܶ ‪ܳ ܳ ܽ ܰ̈ ܳ ܶ ܰ ܰ ܶ ܶ h‬‬ ‫ܡܕ ܘ‬ ‫ܐܕ ܗ‬ ‫ܒ ܘܢ܇ ܐ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܳ ܐ. 7:71ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܳܕ ܰ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܗܘ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ̱ܝ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰܕ ܰ ܘ ܳ ܶ ܐ ܺ‬ ‫ܳ ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܺ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܺ ܳ ܐ ܰܘ ̈ ܰ ܳ ܐ:‪ ܽ ܶ i‬ܒ ܕ ܽ ܗܪܐ ܶܕܐܬ ܶ ܒܐܬܪܗܘܢ܇ ܕ ܶ ܳ ܡ ̈ ܶ ܐ ܐ ܘܗܝ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܳ ݂ܶ‬ ‫ܽ ܗܪܐ: ܘܗ ܽ ܢ ܒ ܶ ܽ ܳ ܐ ܳ ܺ ܒ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܶ ܰ ܰ ̈ ܽܘܢ. 9:71ܐܶ ܴ ܐܶ ݂ ܰ ܰ ܽ‬ ‫݂ܗܘ >‪<f.21v‬‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫ܘܙܥ *‪Z1 | Z‬‬ ‫ܐܬܪܝ ‪T corr | Z‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪corr | Z‬‬ ‫ܗܪܘܕ‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫‪f‬‬ ‫‪g‬‬ ‫‪h‬‬ ‫‪i‬‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܕܐܬ ܘ ‪T | Z‬‬ ‫‪Z |Z‬‬ ‫ܕܐ‬ ‫*‪Z1 | Z‬‬ ‫1‬ ‫*‬ ‫‪T | Z vid‬‬ ‫ܐ ‪cj | Z‬‬ ‫ܗ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫05‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܺ ـ ݂ ܳ ܐ. ܬܘ ܐܶ ܰ ܘ‪ ܺ b‬܁ ܺܕܐܙܠ ] ܳܐܦ ܐܶ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ ܳ ܶ ܺ ܶ ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܕ ܰ ܳܐ‬ ‫ܶ ܓ ܬܗ ܕ ܗܪܐ ܕܐܬ :‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ ‪e‬‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܘ ܽ ܗܪܢ܆ ܕ ܺ ܐܙܠ ܬܗ.‬ ‫݂ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܗܘܐ: ܘ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܶ‬ ‫̱ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ ܇ ] ܰܕ ܳ ܬ ܕܬܬ ܶ ܐ‬ ‫ܽ ܳ ̇‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽ ܠ‪ܰ g‬ܘܕ ܰ ܒ‬ ‫ܽ ܶ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܶ ܕ ܳ ܐ ܰܕ ܰ ܽܘ ܳ ܝ ܰ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܕ ̇ ܴ ܶ ܐ ܗ ܳܘܐ‬ ‫.ܘ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫܆ ܐܬܶܐ ܰ ‪ܶ ܰ d‬‬ ‫ܰܒ ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܗܪܘܕܣ‪ a‬ܒ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ ܽܶ‬ ‫ܐ ܶ ܓ ܽ ܕ‪ܶ c‬‬ ‫̱ܳ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܕ ܽ ܰ ـ‬ ‫ܽ ܳ ܰܳ ܳ ܳ ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܗܪܐ ܪܒܐ ܕ ܐ:‬ ‫̱ܳ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܕ ܶ ܶ ܗܝ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ ܓ ܬܗ.‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܺ ܐ‬ ‫ܽ ܰـ .‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܕ ܽ ܬܐ‬ ‫‪i‬‬ ‫‪f‬‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܗܘ ܒ ܰ ܽܘܬܐ ܒ‬ ‫1:81ܘܐܙ ݂ ݂ ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܐ ܰ ܺ ܳ ܐ܇ ܰܘ ܽ ܗܪܐ ܰܪܒܐ ܰܕܕ ܰ ܒ ̇ : ܕ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܬܐ. 2:81ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܘܒ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܬܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܳ ܶܺ‬ ‫ܳ ܪܬܐ ܕܐܬ ܶ ܒ ̇ ܗܕ ܰ . ܰܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܰܳ‬ ‫‪h‬‬ ‫ܺܙ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܗܘ ܐ̈ܪܙܐ ̈ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܰ‬ ‫̱ ̱ܷ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫‪j‬‬ ‫ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܒܐܬܪܢ: ܕ ܶ ܳ ̇ ܺ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ ܳ ܶܐ܇‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܘ ܶ ܳܘܐ ܰܕ ܰ ܰ ܬ ܓ ܶܐ ܕܐ̈ܪܙܐ ̈ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܺܕܐ‬ ‫̈ ̱ܷ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܰ ܳ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܘܐ ܱ݂ ̇ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫݂ . ܐ ܕ ̇ ܴ ܶ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ ܶ ܕ ܰ ܽ ܳܕܐ.‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܰ ܗܝ܇ ܕ ܺ ݂ ܺ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܒ ܶ ܺ ܰ ܢ ܰܕ ܳ ܐ. 3:81 ܰܘ ܰ ܳ ̱ ܝ ܰ ܽ ܳܕܐ ܕ ܽ ܗܪܐ ܰܕ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ ̇ ܰܕ ܰ ܬܐ ܰܘ ܶ ܰ ܒܐ ܕ ܽ ܗܪܐ ܗ݂ܘ ܘ ܳ‬ ‫ܺ ܆ ܘܳ‬ ‫݂ܳ‬ ‫ܱ̇‬ ‫̈ܳ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܒ ̇ ܶ ܰܐܒ ܰ‬ ‫̱ܰ ܳ‬ ‫‪T | Z mut‬‬ ‫‪T|Z‬‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‪T | Z mut‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪T|Z‬‬ ‫ܐܬ‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫‪T cj | Z deest‬‬ ‫‪f uv‬‬ ‫ܐ[ ‪Z T | C‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪g‬‬ ‫‪h‬‬ ‫‪i‬‬ ‫‪j‬‬ ‫ܠ ‪cj | Z‬‬ ‫]ܕ ܬ ܕܬܬ‬ ‫ܘܕ‬ ‫ܙ‬ ‫ܘܐ‬ ‫15‬ ‫‪T corr | Z‬‬ ‫‪corr | Z vid‬‬ ‫‪Z |Z‬‬ ‫1‬ ‫*‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܝ ܬܘܒ ܳ ܶ ܰ ܰ ܳܕ ܺ ܰ . ܘ ܰ‬ ‫̱ ܽ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ̱ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܒ ̇ ܐܪܙܐ ܘ ܽ ܗܪܐ ܕ ̈ܰ ܶܐ.‬ ‫ܶܪܗ. ܰܘ ܰ ܬܓ ݂ ̈ ܘ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܳ ܶ . 4:81ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܰܺ ܶ ܘܶ‬ ‫ܘ ̈ܰ ܰ ܶ ܐ ܶ‬ ‫ܐܙܠ ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܶܰ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܽ ܳܕܐ ܘ ܰ ܒܐ ܘ ̈ܰ ܰ ܶ ܐ ܰ ܰ ܬܐ ܗܝ ܶܕܐܬ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܴ̇‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܓ.ܘܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫݂ܳ ܳ ܕ ܽ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܰܪ‬ ‫5:81 ܰܘܐ ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽ ܬܐ ܰܕ ܳ ܰ . 6:81 ܰܘܒ ܶ ݂ ܰܘ ܓ ܢ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ ܐ ܘ ܳ ܓ ܳ ܐ܁ ܕܒ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܰܘܕܒܐܪ ܳ ܐ܁‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ ܰ ̈ܐ‬ ‫ܐܶ ܶ‬ ‫ܳܬ ܺ‬ ‫ܶ ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܐ ܶ ݂ ܘܐܬ‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܐ ܽ ܢ ܬ ܶ ̈ܪܓ ܰ ܗܝ.‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܰܐܪ ܳ ܐ. ܶ ܽ ܕ ܽ ܒ ܽܘܟ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܗܝ ܰ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫7:81 ܰܘ ܰ ܺ ̈ ܳ ܰ ܢ ̈ܰ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܘ ܰ ̈ ܺ ܳ‬ ‫ܕܕ ܶ ̱݂ܺܗܝ ܰ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰܕ ܺ ܳ ܐ ܒ ܰ ܒ ܽ ܬܐ ܶ ܳ ܳ ܐ. 8:81 ܰܘܐ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ ܶ ܒܰ‬ ‫̈ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܗܝ ܓ ܰ ܇ ܕܓ ܳ ܐ ܕ ̈ܰ ܶܐ. ܰܕ ܰ ܒ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܰ ܺ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܽ ܬܐ ܒ ̈ ܶ ܐ ̈ ܓ ܐܐ. ܳ ܡ ܒ ܳ ܐ ܺܕ ܶ ܕ ܰ ̈ܐ.‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫1:91ܰܘ ܚ ܗܘ ܽ ܶ ܰ ܽ ܳܕܐ ܒ ـ ܳ ܐ: ܘ ܽ ܗܪܐ ܰ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܓ ̇ ܱ ܶܨܒ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܰܕܐܒܐ‬ ‫̈ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܕܪܒ ܽ ܬܐ. ܘܐ ݂ ܰ ܰ ܒ ܽ ܒܐ ܕ̈ܪ ܰ ܗܝ ̈ܺ ܶܐ ܘܒ ܺ ܶ ܐ. ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܽ ܢ ܒ ̈ ܐ̈ܪܙܝ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫̱ܱ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫̈ ܰ ܳ ̈ܰ ܰ ܳ ܽ ܳ ܶ ܳ ܳ ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰܕ ܰ ܽܘܢ ܕܬ ܽܘܢ ܽ ܗܪܐ ܰ ܳ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ.‬ ‫ܐ ܕ ܗܪܐ‬ ‫ܐܒ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽܘ ܳ ̱ ܝ ܒ ܽ ܒܐ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܬܘܒ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽܢ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ݂ܽܘܢ. ܗܐ ܰ ܒ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܝ ܒ ܽ ܗܪܗ ܰܪܒܐ ܗܘ ܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܱ̇‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܒ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܒ.‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ̈ܳ‬ ‫ܰܕ ܳ ܰ . ܐ ̱ ܽܘܢ ܐܦ ܐܒ ܰ ܽ ܢ܆ 2:91 ܰܘܐ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܳ ܳ ܓ ܽ ܬܐ. ܘܬܘܒ ܬܶ ܽܘܢ ܕܬܶ ܽܘ ܳ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܰܕ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܳ ܺ‬ ‫܆ ܶ ܗܘ ܶ‬ ‫݂̱‬ ‫ܕܽ‬ ‫. ܘܽ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܗܝ ܐ̈ܪܙܐ‬ ‫̱ ̱ܷ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܶ ܗ ܳܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫. 3:91ܘܗ ܽܘ ܒ ܽ ܰܕܘܗܝ ܰ‬ ‫݂ ܰ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܶ ܶ‬ ‫4:91ܐܶ ܰ ܗܘ ܓ ܐܬܓ ܺ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̱‬ ‫‪T cj | Z‬‬ ‫‪Z‬‬ ‫1‬ ‫*‬ ‫ܘܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܠ ‪|Z‬‬ ‫‪T corr | Z‬‬ ‫25‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܰܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܐ ܗܕ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܢ ܐܦ ܰ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܽܢ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽ ̇‬ ‫ܽ ܢ. ܘܐ ܳ ܬܘܒ ܗܺܘ‬ ‫ܳ ܬܝ. 5:91ܘܐ ܳ ܬܘܒ ܐܶܗܘܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܰܐ ܶ ܰܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫̱ܺ‬ ‫ܗܘ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܒܐܬܪ ܽ ܢ܇ ܰܘܒܐ̈ܪܙܐ‬ ‫̱ܷ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰܘ ܰ ܒ ܳ ܳ ܇ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܶܕܐܬ ܽܘܢ ܒ ܳ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܬܐ. ܘ ܳ ܳ ܶ ܫ ܐ̱ ܳ ܶ ܽ ܢ܆ ܘ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܐ. 6:91 ܰܘܐ ܽܘܢ ܬܘܒ ܬܗܘܘܢ ܺ‬ ‫ܽ ܶ ܽ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܺ ܒ ܒ ܽ ܒܐ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܐ ܰ ܬ ̈ ܺ ܰ ܝ܆ ܰܐ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ ܶܡ‬ ‫ܽܢ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ̈ܶܕܐ ܒܐܬܪܐ ܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܶ ܐܳ ܰ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܳ ܳܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܗ ܳ ܐ ܐܬܐ ܐ̱ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܴ̇ ܶ‬ ‫ܰܕܒ ܴܐ: ܘܗܘܐ‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫ܰܕܓܒ ܺ ܕ ܰ ܙܘܢ ܒ ܬܝ. 7:91ܘ ܳ ܐ ܕ ̇ ܱ ܶ‬ ‫݂ܶ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ̱ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܕ ܰ ܰ ܆ ܘܐ ܰ ܒ ܽ ܒ ܳ ܐ ܺܕܐ ܝ ܗܘ ܰ ܶ ܒ . ܳܘܐܦ ܗ ܳ ܐ ܰܕ‬ ‫ܶܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܳ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܽܢ‬ ‫ܰ ܶ ܐ̱ ܳ ݂. ܘ ܗ ܺܘ ܓ ܺ ܐ̱ ܳ ܶ ܰܪܒ ܽ ܬܗ ܰܕܐܒܐ. 8:91ܐܬܠ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܕܬܬ ܽܘܢ ܒ ̇ . ܰܕܒ ܳ ܐ ܰܕ ܰ ܽܘܢ ܶ ܳ ܐ ܰ ̇ ܴ ܶ ܒܐ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܶܨܒ ܳ ܶ ܳܕܐܒ ݂ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ ܕ ܺ ̈ ܶܐ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰܙܘ ܳ ܐ ܰܪܒܐ ܒܐܪ ܳ ܐ: ܘ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܰܙܒ ܶܐ ܘ ̈ܳ ܶ ܐ ܽ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܒ ܽܘܢ ܰܕ ܰ ܒ ܺ ـ ܆ ܗ ܶ ܰܕ ݂‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫ܰ ̈ ܰ ܽ ܢ ܰ ܳ ݂ ܳ ܐ.‬ ‫ܶ ܺ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܝ ܰܕ ܳ ܬ ܽ ܢ. 9:91 ܰܘܐܪ‬ ‫ܶ ܒ‬ ‫ܰܕ ܶ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰܘ ܰ ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ـ ܺ ـ ܒ ܽ ܒ ܳ ܐ ܳ ܰ ܇ ܘ ̇ ܴ ܶ ܐ̱ ܳ ܒ ܒ ܽ ܐ ܐ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܺ ܳܙܕ ܳ ܐ:‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܘ ܳ ܶ ܒ ܐ̱ ܳ ܶ ܰ ܺ ܳ ܐ ܰܕܐܒܐ ܕܪܒ ܽ ܬܐ܇ ܕ ܶ ܶ ܐܶ ̇ ܱ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ـ ܽ ܬܗ ܳ ܳ ܐ.‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫1:02ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܶ ܗ ܶ ܽ ܶ ܰ ܰ ܰ ـ ܳ ܳ ݂ܐ. ܶ ܰܪܬ ܳ ̇ ܽ ̇ ܰ ܬܐ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̱ܳ‬ ‫>‪ <f.22r‬ܗܝ܆ ܰܘ݂ܗ ܳܘܬ ܳ ̇ ܒ ܰ ̈ ܰ ݂ . ܐ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܐ̱ ܺ ܴ ܕ ܰ ܗܘܐ ]ܒ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܗ ܳ ‪ ܽ e‬ܗܪܐ‬ ‫ܴ̇‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫‪T|Z‬‬ ‫ܕܥ *‪Z1 | Z‬‬ ‫*‪Z1 | Z‬‬ ‫1‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫‪Z |Z‬‬ ‫ܘܐܪ‬ ‫‪] | Z mut‬ـ ـ ـ[ ‪T cj | C‬‬ ‫*‬ ‫35‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫݂ܶ . ܐ ܁‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶܨܒ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܕܪܒ ܽ ܬܐ ܶ ܳ ܐ.‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫]ܘܐـ ـ ـ[ ܕ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܺ ܶ‬ ‫ܰܐ ܳ ܬܗ. 2:02ܘ ̈ܳ ܶ ̈ܰ ܓ ܐܐ ܰܕ ܳ ܶ ܐ‪ܰ a‬‬ ‫ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܰܘܐ ܺ ܅ 3:02ܒ ܽ ܳ ܐ ܳ ܚ ̈ܪ ܶ ܐ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ܪܐ. ܰ ܳ ܐ ܰ ܺ ܳ ܐ ܓ ̇ ܱ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܕܗܘ ܽ ܺܐ ܁ ̇ ܱ ܳ ܳ ܐ. ܘ ܽ ݂ ܒܐ ܶ ܗ ݂ܗܳܘܐ. ܰܘܐ ܺ ܁ ܒ ܽ ܗܪܟ ܰܘܒ ܶ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܘܐ‬ ‫ܺ ‪ ܶ ̈ c‬ܐ ܽ ܽܘܢ ܕ ܶ ܶ ܰܘܕ ܶ ܶ . 4:02ܘ ܳ ܳ ܓ ܺ ̈ ܶ ܐ‬ ‫ܶܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̈ܰ‬ ‫ܽ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̱ܽ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܘ ܰ ̈ ܰ ܳ ܬܐ ܽ ܽܘܢ܆ ܘܕ ܳ ܗܘ ܐܬܪܐ ܕ ̈ܰ ܶܐ ܕܬܬܠ ܰ ܓܒ . ܘܕ ܳ ܗܘ ܽ ܗܪܐ ܰ ܳ ܳ ܐ.‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ ܰܕܐ ̱ ܗ ܽܘ ܺ ܐܪܐ ܪ ܺ ـ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܰ ܰ ܒ ܶ ܗ ܰܕܐܒܐ܆ 5:02 ܰܘܐ ̱ ܗܘ ܽ ܳ ܐ ܘܨܒ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫̱ܽ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܳ ̈ܰ ܳ ܳ ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܰ ̱ ܶ‬ ‫ܰܕܒ ܶ ܐ ܗܘ ܓ ܕ ܶ ܰ ـ ܶ ܰ ܥ‬ ‫ܐ.‬ ‫ܰܕܐ ܺ ـ ܽ . ܒ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܽ ܺܕܐ ܒ ܰ ܰ ܒ ܳ ܐ. ܰܘܐ ܗܘ ܽ ܆ ܘ ܽ ܒ ܺܐ ܰ ܘܗܝ. ܘ ܶ ܶ ܡ ܒ ܶ‬ ‫̱ ̱ܽ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܶ ܳܳ ܳ ܺ‬ ‫ܐ .‬ ‫ܨܒ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ .‬ ‫ܽܘܢ‬ ‫ܘܙ . ܰܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܘܳ ܳ ̇‬ ‫ܕܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܺ‬ ‫ܳܐ‬ ‫ܰܘ ܰ‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܟ ܐܬܓ ܰ ܘ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ ܬܶ ̈ ܒ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܐܬ ̈ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܰܺ ܶ‬ ‫1:12ܘ ܰ ܗ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܐܪ ܳ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܘ ܰ ݂ ܰ ܘܐ ݂ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܐ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܽ ܗܪܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽ ܢ. ܗ ܶ ܓ‬ ‫ܺ ̈ ܶ ܐ. 2:12 ܰܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܰܕ ܰ ܽܘܢ ܰܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܳܰ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ . ܒ ̈ ܐ̈ܪܙܝ ܬܕ‬ ‫̱ ݂‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܘ ܶ ܰܕ ܺ ܽܘܢ ܒ ܶ ܆ ܳܐܦ ܰܐ ܶ ܕ ܳ ܺ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܕܒ ܳ ܐ ܰ ܳ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ‪cj | Z‬‬ ‫*‪Z1 | Z‬‬ ‫*‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܐ ܰ ܳ ܳ ܐ: ܰܘ ܰ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫ܳܺ ܶ ܽ‬ ‫.‬ ‫ܽܢ ܰ ̈‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ̈ ݂ܰ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܆ ܗܘܝ ܪܘ̈ܪܒ ܶ . ܐ ܴ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܐ ̱ ܽܘܢ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫ܕ ܒ‬ ‫‪corr | Z‬‬ ‫ܐܬܓ‬ ‫‪ | Z‬ܐܬ‬ ‫ܘܐ‬ ‫1‬ ‫‪T|Z‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫‪cj | Z deest‬‬ ‫ܐܬ‬ ‫45‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ̈ܪܘܪܒ ܐ ܺܕܐ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܽ ܢ ܐܶ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳܐ ܓ‬ ‫ܒ ܳ ܳ ܰܙܒ ܳ ܐ: ܘܗܐ ܶ ܰܕ ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰܕ ܳ ܬ ܽ ܢ ܰܕ ܳ ܰ ܇‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܙ ܽ ̈ܪ ܳ ܐ ܶ ܰ ܓ .‬ ‫ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܺ ـ ܐ ̱ ܽܘܢ ܕܬ ܽܘܢ܇ ܐܘ ܬ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽܢ ܗ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܕܬ ܽܘܢ ܘܬ‬ ‫ܽ ܶ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫̈ ܱ ܽ ܢ܆ ܬܘܒ ܬ ܘܘܢ ܒ ܽ ܒ‬ ‫3:12‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܺ ܐ ̱ ܽܘܢ. ܺ ܓ‬ ‫ܰܐܒܐ ܕ ܰ ܰ ݂ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܳܬ‬ ‫ܰܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܕܬ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܱ̇‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܐ̈ܪܙܐ‬ ‫̱ܷ‬ ‫ܳ ܗ ܳ ܐ: ܘ ܳ ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ . 4:12 ܶ ܺ‬ ‫̈ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽ ܬ ܽ ܢ. ܐܶ ܴ ܰܐ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܰܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܰܐ ̈ܪܘܪܒ ܐܶ ܶ ܒ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܢ ܗ ܶ ܰܪܘ̈ܪܒ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܳ ܶ ̈ ܳ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܘܬ‬ ‫ܽ ‪ܽ ܶ ܶ ܰ ܰ̈ ܶ ܺ ܳ ܳ a‬‬ ‫ܐ ܘ ܐ.‬ ‫ܢ ܐ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰܒ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܒ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܬܪ ܽ ܢ‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫ܳܕܐܦ ܰ ܽܘܢ ܰܪܘ̈ܪܒ ܐܶ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܗܪܐ. ܶ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰܕ ݂ ܰ ܽܘܢ ܰܕܬ ܰ ܒ ܽ ܢ ܽ ܗܪܐ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܒ ܽ ̈ܪܒ ܰ ܽ ܢ ܒ ܰ ܽܘܬܐ. ܘܗܐ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܳܘܐܦ ݂ ܰ ܽܘܢ ܕܬܕ ܽ ܢ ܘܬܐ ܽ ܢ܇‬ ‫ܶܙ‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ ܐ ܕܪܒ ܽ ܬܐ ܶ ܳ ܳ ܐ. ܘܬܐܬܘܢ ܘܬܶ ܓ ܽܘܢ ܶ‬ ‫ܺ ܽ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܰܳ ܰ‬ ‫݂ ܶ ܽܘܢ ܽ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܶ ܶ ܡ ܶܕܐܬ ̇ ܱ ܰ ܬܘܢ ܶ ܐܒ ̈ ܽ ܢ.‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܺ ܺ‬ ‫ܽ ܢ. ܗ ܳ ݂ܐ ܗܐ ܰ ܽܘܢ ܽ ܳ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫̈ ܰ ܳ ܐ ̈ ܳ ܶܐ ܕ ܶ ܳܕ̈ܪܐ ܰ ̈ ܳ ܶܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܽ ܒ ݂ ܰܘ‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܳ ܕܽܘܬܝ. 5:12ܘܬܘܒ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܡ ܕ ܶ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܬܗ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫݂ܽ ܢ ܘ ܶ ݂ ܕܘܢ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܶ ܶ ܡ ܶܕܐܬ ̇ ܱ ݂ ܰ ܬܘܢ ̇ ܱ ܶ ݂ ܽܘܢ.‬ ‫ܳ ̈ ܶܕܐ ܒ ܰ‬ ‫ܶܨܒ ܳ ܶ ܳܕܐܒ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܕܐ̈ܪܙ ܽ ܢ ܘ ܽ‬ ‫̱ܱ‬ ‫ܰ ܺ‬ ‫݂ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܐ ܰ ܬ ̈ ܰ ܝ܇ ܰܕܓܒ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܽܘܢ ܕܬܗܘܘܢ ܺ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ ܐ. ܘ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܒ ܒ ܽ ܐ܆ ܐ ܰ ܰ ܪ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܕ ܰ ܆ ܘ ܶ ـ ܷ̇‬ ‫ܺ ܰ ܬܪ ܽ ܢ܆ ܰܘ ܰ‬ ‫̈ܰ‬ ‫݂ܶ‬ ‫ܽ ܢ ܶ ܓܒ ܰܕܓܒ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫*‪corr | Z‬‬ ‫ܙܠ *‪Z1 | Z‬‬ ‫ܘܢ ‪T | Z‬‬ ‫ܡ *‪Z1 | Z‬‬ ‫1‪| Z‬‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫55‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܒ ܳ ܳ ܐ.‬ ‫ܰ ܳܐ‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫ܶܙ‬ ‫ܗܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫6:12‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܬܐ.‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܽ ܢ ܒ ܳܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܽܢ ܶ‬ ‫̈ܳ‬ ‫̈ܶ ܳܘ ܺ ܳܘܐܬܘܢ. ܰܐ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܺܕܐ ܰ ܝ ܰ‬ ‫̈ܶܕ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܬܐ ܰܘܒ ܽ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܢ ܗܪ ܳ ܐ: ܘܗܐ ܶ ܰܕ ܺ ܐ ̱ ܽܘܢ‬ ‫ܳ ܬ ܰܐܒܐ ܕܪܒ ܽ ܬܐ ܕܨܒ ܳ ܶ ܺܐ ܰ ܝ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܕܙ ܺ ܳ ܐ ܐ̱ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܐ̱ ̈ ܳ ܐ ̈ܰ ܳ ܶ ܐ.‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ܆ ܐ‬ ‫ܳܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܽ ܢ ܪܐ. ܕ ܶ ܘܐ ̇ ܴ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ ܺ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܐ ܳ ܬܘܒ ܐ ܝ ܰ ݂ܽ ܢ ܒ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܳ ܐ. ܐ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܓ ܺܕܐ ܝ ܒ‬ ‫ܺ ـ ܗܘ ܽܘܢ ܳ ܺ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܐ̱ ܳ ܰ ܽܘܢ ܰܘ ݂ ܰ ܘ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫̱ܳ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܐܬ ̇ ܺ .‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰܘܕ ܽ ܬܐ ܒ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܗ ܳ‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̈ܶ‬ ‫ܒܽ‬ ‫̈ܶ ܳܘ ܺ ܘܕ ܳ ܢ. ܕ ̇ ܴ ܶ ܐ ̱ ܽܘܢ ܺ ܆ ܐܦ‬ ‫ܳ ܬ ܰܐܒܐ. ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ݂ . ܘ ܳ ܶ ܓ ܶ ܴ ܶ ܽ ܢ ܳ ܰ ݂ ܳܐ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܽ ܰ ܰ ܽ 7:12 ܳ ܶ ܰ ܺ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܕ ܽ ܗܪܗ ܘܐ ܕ ܶܪܬ ܬ ܢ ܕܐ ܪ ܢ. ܘܗܐ ܕ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܐ̱‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶܺ‬ ‫ܳ ܬ ܽ ܢ ܒ ܰ ܒ ܽ ܬܗ ܳܕܐܒ . ܶ ܽ ܕ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܐ ܰ ܐܬ‬ ‫܆ ܳܐ ܳ ̈ܰ ܰ ܶ ܐ ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܕܬܕ ܽ ܪܬܐ. ܒ ܶ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܺـ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܕܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܽܢ ܐ‬ ‫ܳܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܳܘܐ‬ ‫ܰܘ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫̈ ܰ ܳ ܬܐ ܰܕ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ ܢ ܐ ܽ ܢ. ܰ ܳ ̇ ܷ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܐ ܕܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܰܘܒ ܰ ܘ ܳ ܐ ܳ ݂ .‪ d‬ܐܦ‬ ‫ܴ̇‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܽ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܐ ̱ ܽܘܢ ܕܬ ܽܘܢ ܐܬ ̇ ܺ . 8:12ܨܘܪܬܐ ܓ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫. ܐܶ ܐܢ ܐܶ ܳ ܕܕ ܳ ܐ ܐ ܳ ܕ ܶ ܶ . ܺܕܐ ܰ ܝ ܶܨܒ ܳ ܶ ܘ ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܴ‬ ‫݂ܶ ̱‬ ‫ܕܙܕܩ ܰ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܶ‬ ‫ܳܶ‬ ‫ܽܢ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܒܐ ܕܪܒ ܽ ܬܐ܆ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܗ ܺܕܐ ܝ‬ ‫ܕܶ‬ ‫ܘܶ‬ ‫ܶܐ ܘ ܶ ܺ ܗܝ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܒ ܽ ܒܐ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫>‪<f.22v‬‬ ‫ܺ ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܐ̱ ܳ ܒܐܒ ܳܘܐܒ ܒ . ܘܐ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܳ ܐ ܰܕ ܰ ܒ ܽ ܢ ܘ ܶ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܺ ܬܘܒ ܒ ̈ܰ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܽܢ ܒ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܬܐ ܕܐ ܳ ܽ ܬܐ. ܶܕܐ ̇ ܶ‬ ‫ܱ‬ ‫̱ ݂‬ ‫ܳ ܳ ܐ܆ ܰܘܐ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ ܳ‬ ‫ܰܪܒ ܽ ܬܗ ܰܕܐܒܐ ܕ ܰ ܰ .‪ e‬ܘܗ ܳ ܐ ܐܬ ̇ ܺ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫ܡ *‪Z1 | Z‬‬ ‫ܘ 1‪Z* | Z‬‬ ‫‪Z |Z‬‬ ‫1‬ ‫*‬ ‫ܙܠ *‪Z1 | Z‬‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫65‬ ‫‪T corr | Z‬‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ 9:12 ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܐ ܘ ܰ ܽ ܬܐ ܰܕ ܳ ܐ ܳܕܐܕܡ ܐܒ ܽ ܽ ܢ ܰ ܳ ܳ ܐ ݂ܰܕܗܳܘܐ‬ ‫܇‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܢ ܰ ܽ ܠ܇ ܘܐ ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܽ ܢ ܰ ܬܐ ܰܘܐ ܱ ܽ ܰ ـ ܒ ܺ ܐ ܳ ܐ‪ܰ b‬‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽ ܢ܇ ܰܘܗ ܰܘ ܽܘܢ ܳ ̇ ܶ ܳ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܽ ܢ ܗܘ ܰ ܳ ܳ ܐ܁‬ ‫ܱ̇‬ ‫ܳ ܳܐ ܰ‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫ܰ ܺ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳܕ̈ܪ ܽ ܢ܇ ܘ ܰ ܒ ܰ ܬ܁ ܒ ܰ ܳ ܽ ܬܗ ] ݂ܰܕܗܳܘܬ ܳ ̇‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܳ ܰܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ . ܰܘܐܘܕ ܶ ܽ ܢ ܐ ܳ ܬܘܒ ܺ ܐܪܘܬ ܽ ܢ ܐܦ ܐܒ ̈ ܽ ܢ܆ ܘ ܽ ܗ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܐ ̱ ܽܘܢ ܕ ܽ ܗܪܐ܆ ܘ ܗܳܘܐ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫̈ ݂ܐ ܶ ܳ ܽ ܢ ݂ܗܰܘܘ. 01:12 ܳܘܐܦ‬ ‫ܽ ܬ ܽ ܢ܇ ܕܒ ̇ ܐܒ ܶ ܘܐܓ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܶܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܺ ܳܐ‬ ‫ܽܗ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܳ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܕܶ‬ ‫ܘܽ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܐܬܒ ܺ ܽܘܢ ܒ ܳ ܳ ܐ܁ ܰܘ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܰܘܐܪ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܒܐ ܰ ܰܪ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܰܐܒܐ ܕܪܒ ܽ ݂ܬܐ. ܶ ܽ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ ܳ ܰ ܽ ܢ ܘ ܶ ܒ ̈ܰـ ܽ ܢ܇‬ ‫ܒ ܽ ܢ ܳܐ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܘ ܶܒ ܶ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܘܐ ܰ ܶ ܒ ܽ ܢ ܐܶ ܳ ܰ ܒܐ ܳ ܰ ܗܝ ܽ ܪܒ ܳ ܐ ܰܕ ܳ ܐ ܰܘܓ ܺ ܳ ܐ܇ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܽ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̈ ܬ ܳ ܗ ܕ ܽ ܰ ـ . ܘܐ ܰ ܰ ܪ ܽ ܢ ܒ ܽ ܒܐ ܘܒ ܳ ܳܪܐ ܒ ܰ ̈ܳܐ ̈ܕ ܰ ܳ ܐ܆ ܘ ܰ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܕܪܘ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܰ ܺ ܳ ܐ. ܘܬܗܘܘܢ ܺ ܒ ܽ ܒܐ ܰܐ ̈ܶ ܐ ܰܘ ̈ܰ ݂ܶܐ ܰܐ ̈ܰ ܽ ܶܕܐ ܕ ܰ ܒ ܽܘܢ ܳ ܐ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܺ ܳ‬ ‫̈ܽ ܬ ܳ ܳ ܗ ܕܒ ܳ ܐ ܶ ܗ ܳ ܐ ܰܘ ܳ ܰ . 11:12 ܶ ܺ‬ ‫̇ ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܽܘܬܐ ܘܬ ܒ ܽ ܐ ܘܬܘܕ ݂ ܐ.‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܒ ܰ ܘ ܶ ܐ ̈ ܳ ܷܐ ܰ ݂ ܶ ܶ ܽ ܢ ܒܐ ܳ ܐ ܺܕ ܇ ܺܕܐ ܝ ܶܨܒ ܳ ܶ . ܘ ܰ ܽܘܬܐ ܘ ܽ ܪ ܳ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ ܽ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܬ ܽ ܬܐ ܕܪܘ ܳ ܐ. ܘ ܰ ̈ܐ ܰܕ ܳ ܰ ݂ ܒܐ ̈ ܰ ܝ ܶ ܰ ܒ ܽ ܢ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ̈ ܰ ܗܝ ܰܕܐܒܐ ܶ ܘܐ. ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܓ ܽ ݂ܬܐ. ܰܐ ܕ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܶ ݂ܫ ܰܘ ܰ ܶ‬ ‫݂ܺ ܬܶ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܽ ܳܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ ܶ‬ ‫ܽܢ ܰ ܶ ܘ ܶ‬ ‫ܗ ܘܨܒ ܳ ܶ ܰܙ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܰܕ ܳ ܰ ܳ ܺ . 21:12ܘܐ ݂ ܰ ܬܘܒ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܬܐ‬ ‫ܶ ܶܡ ܒ ܰ‬ ‫ܽ ܢ. ܕ ܽ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫ܘܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫‪T corr | Z‬‬ ‫ܐ ‪corr | Z‬‬ ‫‪T corr | Z‬‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܕܐܬ‬ ‫ܕܗܘܐ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫75‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܐ ܺ . ܶܨܒ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܰ ̈ܐ‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫̈ܶ ܳ ܘ ܶ ܓ ܰܐܪ ܳ ܐ܆ ܰܕ ܳ ܐ‪ a‬ܘܐ ݂ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ܀‬ ‫̈ܳ ܶ ܐ ܽ‬ ‫ܶ ܰܪܘ ܳ ܐ ܘ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ ܳ ܶܐ܁‪ c‬ܘ ܰ ܽܘܬܐ ܰܘ ܳ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܶ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰܒ‬ ‫1:22ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫̈ ܳ ܶ ܕ ܰ ̈ܐ. ܰ ܰ ܶ ܳ ܰ ܗܝ ܒ ܰ ܽܘܬܐ ܰܪܒ ܐ ܰܘܕ ܳ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̈ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܶ ܒ ܳ ܬܢ ܰ ܒ ܳ ܐ ܰܪܒܐ ܺ ܐܬܐ ܰ ܪ ܰ . 2:22 ܰܘ ܰ‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܘ ܶ ܘܘܢ‬ ‫ܶܒ ܳ ܳܐ‬ ‫ܕܶ‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫ܺ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܓ ܐܐ ܰܘܒ ܶ ܒ ܽ ݂ ܳ ܐ. ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܘ ܰ ܰ ܐ̱ ̈ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܰܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܶ ܐ ܘ ̈ܽ ܒ ܶܐ: ܰܕ ܰ ܘ ܘܐܬܗ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܐ ܒ ܽܘ‬ ‫ܰ ܳܐ ܕ ܳ ܳ ܕ ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܐ: ܘ ܰ ܒ ܳ ܶܐ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܒ ܳ ܐ ܐܒ ܶ ܐ ܘ ܰ ܒ ܳ ܶܐ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܓ ܺ ܳ ܐ ܕ̈ܪ ܶ ܐ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܕ ܶ ܕܘܦ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ ܐ ܒ ܒ ܽ ܬܐ‬ ‫ܽ ܗܪܐ ܰܪܒܐ ܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫݂ܳ‬ ‫̈ܰ ܳ ܶܐ. ܗܘܬ ܰ ܰ ܬܪ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ ܳ ܐ. 3:22ܰܘܗ݂ܳܘܬ ܐܘܪ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܰ ̈ܐ ] ܳ ܳ ܐ ܳ ܶ ܰ ܶ ܇‪ܶ f‬ܕܐܬ ܺ ܝ ܒ ܰ ̈ܳܕ ܶ ܐ‬ ‫‪h‬‬ ‫‪݂ܽ ܰ ̈ ܰ g‬ܘܢ ܰܘ ܰ ܐ ܽܘܗܝ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫5:22ܘܐ ܰ ܘ‪. ܰ i‬‬ ‫ܳ ܳ ݂ܐ‬ ‫ܳܺ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܳ ܪܕ̈ܪ . 4:22 ܰܘܐܪ‬ ‫ܳ ܐ ܘܕ ܽܘ ܳ ܳ ܘ ܽ ݂ܳܒܐ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܕܒ ܳ ܳ ܐ. ܘ ܶ ܘܐ ܳ ̇‬ ‫ܳ ܺ‬ ‫ܽ ܗܪܐ ܶܕܐܬ ܶ ܒ ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܽ ܰ ܳ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܢ ܕ ܬܢ‬ ‫ܶ ܺ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܘܐܙܱ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܒܒ ܗܘܢ ܕ ܰ ܰ ܗ ܽܘ ܰܘ ܰ ܷ ܐ ܰ .‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܗܪܐ ܰܘ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܢ. ܕܒ ݂ܬ ܽܘ ܳ ̱ ܝ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܰܳ ܽ ܶ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ ܪܒܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܶ ܇ ܰܕܒ ܰ ܒ ܽ ܬܐ ܰܪܒ ܳ ܐ ܰ ܕ ܶ ܗ ܰ ܕ ܶ ܘܐ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫‪f‬‬ ‫‪g‬‬ ‫‪h‬‬ ‫‪i‬‬ ‫‪j‬‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܰܘܓ ܰ ܬܘ ܳ‬ ‫‪j‬‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܰ ܶ‬ ‫‪cj | Z‬‬ ‫‪Z |Z‬‬ ‫1‬ ‫*‬ ‫1‬ ‫ܘܐ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ ‪T corr | Z‬‬ ‫‪Z |Z‬‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫‪Z |Z‬‬ ‫ܘܐܬܗ‬ ‫*‬ ‫1‬ ‫*‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫ܘܐܪ *‪Z1 | Z‬‬ ‫ܘܗܝ ‪corr | Z‬‬ ‫‪Z |Z‬‬ ‫1‬ ‫*‬ ‫ܘܐ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܢ ‪T cj | Z‬‬ ‫85‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫݂ܽ‬ ‫ܽ ܢ ܗܘ ܰ ܳ ̱ ܝ‬ ‫ܰ ܪܒ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܰ ܓ ܳ ܐ ܶܕܐܬ ܺ ܝ‪ b‬ܒܒ ܰ ܢ. ܘܗ ܳ ܐ ܗܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫̈ ܰ ܳ ܶܐ‬ ‫ܳܕܐܶܙܠ.‬ ‫ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܒ ܺ ܐ ܰ ܰ : ܰܕ ݂ ܰ ܝ‪ c‬ܒ ܰ ܶ ܐ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܘܬ ܺ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܰ ̈ܐ ܕ ܶ ܐ ܰܕ ܳ ܰ ܆‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܒ ـ ݂ ܳܐ ܓ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܩ. ܰܐ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܶܕܐ ݂ ܰ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ̈ ܶ ܐ.‬ ‫ܺ ܰ ݂‬ ‫>‪<f.23r‬‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ . ܘܐܬ ݂ ܰ ̇ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܶܕ ̇ ܰ ܗܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫1:32ܐ ܺ ܰ ܳ ̇ . ܐ ̱ ܬܐ ܒ ܺ ܰ ܒ ̈ ܶ ܐ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ܺ ܰ ܳ ܽ ܳ ܰ ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܕ ܺ ܐ܇‬ ‫ܕܬ ܒ ܒ ܐ ܕܪܘ ܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܶܕܐܬܗ ܰ ܝ ܰܘ ݂ ܰ ܝ ܕܬܬ ܶ ܶ ܐܶ ܳ ܐ܆ 2:32ܘܗ ܳ ܐ ܗܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܷ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܶ ܶ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܶ ܗܽܘ. ܘܗܐ ܒܒ ܐ ܰ ܶ ܐ ܶ ܆ ܐܦ ܨ‬ ‫ܴ̇‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܰ‬ ‫݂ܗܽܘ. ܶ ܽ ܕ ܰ ܗܒ ܰ ܐ ܗܘ ܰܪܒ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܰ ̈ܶܐ: ܰܕܒ ܰ ܶ ‪ d‬ܐܬ ܰ ݂ ܒ ̇‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܺ ܒܐܒܐ ܕ ܽ ܆ ܒ ܰ ܶ ܐܬܓ ܺ‬ ‫3:32ܘܐܪܙܐ ܰܕ ܶ ܐ ܗܘܐ ܶ‬ ‫̱ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫̱ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܺ‬ ‫̱ܳ‬ ‫ܺ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ܐ ܰܕ ܳ ܐ ܗܘܬ ܽ ܶ ܰ ܒ ܐ. ܗ ܳܘܐ ܺܕ ܶ ܗܝ ܒ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܘ ܽ ܗܪܐ ܕ ܰ ̈ܶܐ܆ ܐܶ ܕ ̈ܳ ܶ ܐ‪ܽ f‬‬ ‫ܴ‬ ‫ܳ ܺ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܝ. ܰܕܒ ܽ ̇ ܒ ܺ ܐ ܐ ܘܗܝ ܘ ܰ ܰ ܪ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ̈ ܳ ܷܐ ܘܬ ̈ ܶܐ.‪ܰ ]23:4 g‬ܘܐܪ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܐ ܶ ܐ̈ܪܙܘܗܝ‬ ‫̱ܰ ̱‬ ‫ܰܰ‬ ‫ܐܬܪ ܶ ̈ܰ ܳ .‬ ‫ܽ ܳ ̇ .‪ a‬ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܽܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܨܘ̈ܪܬܗ ܰ ܶ ܒ ܽ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ ܰܪܒ ܽ ܬܗ.‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳܶ‬ ‫]ܗܕܐ ܰܪܒ ܐ‬ ‫‪h‬‬ ‫ܰܘ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫̈ܺ‬ ‫ܒ ـ ܶ ܐ. ܘܗ ܳ ܐ ܐܬ ܺ ܝ ܒ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܒ ܓ . ܐܦ‬ ‫ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܽ ܪ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܽ ܳ ܐ ܰܕܪ‬ ‫ܰܘ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰܕ ܰ ݂ ̈ܐ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫‪T corr | Z‬‬ ‫ܝ‪T|Z‬‬ ‫‪corr | Z‬‬ ‫ܕܬ‬ ‫ܘܓ ܬܘ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܕܒ‬ ‫ܘܐܪ‬ ‫95‬ ‫‪T corr | Z‬‬ ‫‪T | Z mut‬‬ ‫‪f‬‬ ‫‪T | Z mut‬‬ ‫‪g‬‬ ‫‪T | Z mut‬‬ ‫‪h‬‬ ‫‪T corr | Z‬‬ ‫݂̈‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܶ ܆‬ ‫ܗ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܗ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܰ ܳܪܘ ܺܙ‬ ‫ܘܰ ܰ‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܰ ܶ‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫1:42ܘ ܰ ܗ ݂ ܰ‬ ‫ܕ ܳ ܺ ܗܘܘ ܰ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ܘܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܒ ܗܘܢ. 2:42ܘ ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܐ ܰ ܺ ܳ ݂ܐ ܘܐܙ‬ ‫ܰ ܶ ܰ ̈ܺ ܶ ܰ ܽ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܽ ܗܪܐ ܰ ܓ ܶ ܰܘ ܰ ܒ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫̇ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܽܘܢ ܐ̈ܪܙܘܗܝ ̈ܪܘܪܒܐ ܘܬ ܐ ܕܒ‬ ‫̱ܱ ̱‬ ‫ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ ܰ ̈ ܶ ܰ ̈ܳ ܶ ‪ܰ ܶ ܳ d‬‬ ‫ܳ ܳ ܐ ܰ ܺܙ ܰ ܗܝ܆ ]ܙܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܺ ܽ ܽܘܢ ܒ ܳ ܬܗ‬ ‫ܐ. ܘܗܐ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܽ ܪ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܕ ̈ܳ ܰ ܗܝ. 3:42ܰܘ ܓ ܘ‪ܶ e‬‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܕ ܰ ܳ ܳ ݂ܐ. ܰܘ ܰ ܒ ܘ ܰ ܶܕܐ ܰ ܒ ܽ ܗܝ ܕ ܰ ܶ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ܐ܇ ܰܘ ܽ ܗܪܝ ܘ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܰ ܺ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ.‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̈ܺ ܳ ܐ܇ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܰܕܒ ܽܘ ܽ ܬܝ ܰ ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܝ ܕ ̇ ܶ ܶ ܬ܇ ܰܘ ܽ ܗܪܝ ܰܪܒܐ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܟ ܰ ̈ ܳ ـ ܶܐ ܒ ܽ ܒ ܰܪܒܐ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܳ‬ ‫ܨܘܪܬܟ ܰ ܺ‬ ‫ܰܕ ̇ ܺ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ܘ ܰ ܶ ݂ ܳܘܐ ̇ ܳ ܐ ܶ . ̇ ܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫̈ܳ‬ ‫ܕ ܰ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܶܕܐܕ ܱ ܇ 4:42ܘ ̇ ܴ ܰ ܚ ̈ܪ ݂ ܰ ܒ ܰ ܰ ‪ܰ f‬‬ ‫ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܓ ܶܕܐ ܰ ܳ ܗ ܺ‬ ‫̇ܺ‬ ‫̇ܺ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܝ‪ܰ g‬ܪܒ ܐ ܒܒ‬ ‫ܺ ܰ‬ ‫̱ܺ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰܕ ܳ ܰ ܐ ܘܗܝ. ܕ ̇ ܶ ܒ ܶ ܬ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܺ ܰܒ ܒ݂ . ܕ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܺ ܰ‬ ‫ܰܕ ̇ ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫ܶ ܺܕ ܳ ܇ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ̈ܪܒ ܶܐ ܕ ܰ ܶ ݂ܒ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܰܕ ܳ ܬܗܘܢ܇‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳܳ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܰ ܐܙ ̱ .‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܐ ܁܁‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ .‬ ‫ܳ ̇‬ ‫ܳ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܺ ܐܪܐ ܕ ܳ ܕ ܰ ̈ܐ܇‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫‪f‬‬ ‫‪g‬‬ ‫ܰܕ ݂ ܰ ܝ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫݂ܗ ܽܘ ܒ ܳ ܳ ܒ ܺ ܳ ܐ ܘ ܰ ܺ ܳ ݂ܐ ܘܐ ݂ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫̈ܶ ܶ ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܶ ܶ‬ ‫݂ ܰ ܝ ܕܬܗܘ ܒ ܺ ܰ ܒ ܐ܇‬ ‫1:52ܰܘ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܘ ܰ ܒ ܳ ܺ ܝ ܰܕ‬ ‫‪T | Z mut‬‬ ‫‪T|Z‬‬ ‫ܗ‬ ‫ܘܐܙܠ *‪Z1 | Z‬‬ ‫ܐ ‪T | C Z vid‬‬ ‫ܘ ܓ‬ ‫ܗܝ ‪cj | Z‬‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫‪T corr | Z‬‬ ‫ܬ ‪corr | Z‬‬ ‫ܙܒ ܐ‬ ‫06‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܐܓ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰܘܒ ܰ ܳ ܽ ܬܐ ܕ ܳ ܳ ܓ ܽ ܬܐ. ܬ ܰ ܒ ܺ‬ ‫ܝ ܰܘܒ ܶ ܝ ܒ ܽ ܒܐ ܒ ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܆ ܘ ܶ ܘܐ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܳܕ̈ܪܐ. ܰܘܒ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܰ ܬܐ ܬ ܰ ܒ ܺ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܐ ܰܘ ܰ ̈ܶ ̇ . ܕܒ ܽ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܐ ܰܘ ܳ ܳ ݂ܐ‬ ‫ܽ ܒܐ ܘܕܘ ܳ ܳ ܒ ܽ‬ ‫ܳ ܽ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܕ ܰ ݂ܒ‬ ‫ܕܬܶ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܳ ܳ 2:52 ܶ ܽ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫܆ ܶ ܘܐ ܰ ܒ ܳ ܐ ܘ ܰ ̈ܐ‬ ‫ܐܓ ܐ ܒܐ. ܘ‬ ‫ܰ ܺ‬ ‫ܰܐ ܒ ܬ ̇ ‪ܽ b‬ܘ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܳ ܓܐ ܗܘܬ ܺ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܰ ̈ܶܐ. 3:52 ܰܘܗ ܳܘܐ ܒ ܽ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ̱ܳ‬ ‫݂ ܰ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ̈ܳ ܶ ܐ. ܶ ܺ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܶ ܻ̇‬ ‫ܐܬ‬ ‫݂ ܰܘ ܳ ܰ ܰܐ ܺ . ܐܶ ܳ ܓ ܶܕܐܬ ̇ ܺ ܒܒ ܽ ܢ܆ ܶܨܒ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܺ ܰ ܰ ܶ ܺܶ ܶ ܶ ܶ‬ ‫ܶܕܐ ̇ ܰ ܶ . ܘ ܽ ܳ ܕ ̇ ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܐ. ܬ‬ ‫ܘ ݂‬ ‫ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܪ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܒܐ.‬ ‫ܶܡ‬ ‫ܶ ܶ‬ ‫ܘܐܬܠ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܒ̇‬ ‫ܽ ܳ ܐ. ܰܕܬ ܰ ܒ ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̱ ܳ‬ ‫ܗܘ ܰܕܐܒܐ ܕ ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܓ ܕܕ ܶ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫4:52 ܶ ܺ ݂‬ ‫݂ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܕ ܰ ܰ ܐܒܐ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܺ ܳ‬ ‫‪ c‬ܐ ܗܐ ̇ ܰ ܶ ݂ ܝ ܓ ܺ ܳ ܐ ݂ ܕ‬ ‫ܳ ܶܐ ܐ ܳ ܺ‬ ‫ܳ ܬ‪ܽ ܽ d‬ܘܢ ܰܐ ̈ܰـ ܺܕܐ ܒ ܽ ܶ ܳ ܳ ܐ. ܕ ܽ ܶ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܶ‬ ‫ܐ ܶ ܰ ̈ ܰ ݂ ܓ ܺ ܳ ܐ ܁ ܕ ܶ ܽ ܢ ܺ ܐ̈ܪܐ ܕ ܰ ̈ܐ ܰܕ ܳ ܰ .‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܗܝ ܳܕܐܒ ܆ ܕܒܐ ̈ܰܝ ܶ ܓ ܺ ܘ ܶ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫̇ ܱ ܰܕ ܰ ܶ ܒ .‬ ‫̈ܽ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ ܰ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰ ܒ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܳܐܦ ܐܶ ܳ ܽ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܘܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܇ ܰܘ ܽ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܐܬ ܺ ܝ ܰ .‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܳܰܐܘ ܳ ܰ ܳ ܳ ܐ܆ ܬܘܒ ܺ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܽ ܗܪܐ ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܰܐܪ ܳ ܐ ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶܰ‬ ‫1:62ܘ ܰ ܐܬ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫̇ܺ‬ ‫ܘ ܰܓ‬ ‫ܶ ܳܘܐ.‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܗܝ܆ 2:62ܘ ܰ ܒ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܒ ܺ ܽ ܬܟ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܰ ܰܘܪܘܙܢ. ܰܘܒ ܰ ݂ ܰܘ ܓ ܢ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰܘ ܰ ܒ ܳ ܰ ܰܐ ܳ ܐ. ܘܐ ܰ ܢ ܶ . ܕ ܳ ܓ ܺ ܰ ܘ ܰ ܶܕ ܰ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫ܒ *‪Z1 | Z‬‬ ‫1‪Z‬‬ ‫*‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܐ ܒ ܬܗ ‪| Z‬‬ ‫ܬܝ‬ ‫‪T corr | Z‬‬ ‫‪T corr | Z‬‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫16‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ . ܐ ܳ ܒ ܽ ܽܘܟ‬ ‫ܶ ܳܐ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܗܝ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܰ ܺ ܰ ܢ.‪ܰ 26:3 a‬ܘ ܳ ܐ ݂ܗ ݂ ܽܘ ܘܐ ݂ ܰ‬ ‫̱ܺ ݂‬ ‫ܺ ܰ ܶ ܶܳ ܳ ܰ ܳ ܰ ܰ ܽ ܳ ܺ ܰ ܰ ܺ‬ ‫ܐ ܝ ܒ . ܐ ܐܦ ܐ ܐ ܕ ܒ ܘ ܐ ܝ.‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܗܪܟ. ܰܕܒ ܽ ܽܘܟ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܝ. ܘ ܰ ܐܬܪܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܰܘ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܰ ‪ b‬ܗܘ. ܘܐܢ ܗ ܽܘ ܕ ܶ ܓ ܶ‬ ‫̱ܽ ܶ ݂‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܐ ܐ ܳ ܕ ܳ ܶ ܗ ܐ ܳ ܕ ܶ ܳ ܐ.‬ ‫ܕܘ ܳ ܐ ܒ ܳ ܳ ܐ ]ܰܕܓ ܺ ܳ ܐ ܶ ܶ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܓ ܺܐ ܰ ܝ. ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ ܐ܆ ܳ ܒ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫4:62 ܰܘ ܰ ݂‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܺ ܰ ܆ ܘ ܰ ܺ ܳܢ ܐ ܶ ܰ .‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܒ ܽ ܬܟ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܳܐ‬ ‫‪h‬‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܽ ܽܘܢ ܳ ܽ ̈ܪܘܗܝ ܒ ܶ ܽ ܳ ܐ. ܰ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܺ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܳܪܐ ܗܝ܇ >‪] <f.23v‬ܒ ̈ܐ ܶ ܐ ܰ ܓ ̈ܐܐ‪ ܶ c‬ܕ ܶ ܳ ܐ.‬ ‫̱‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫ܘ ܽ ܗܪܝ ܘ ܶ ܰ ݂ ܝ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܘܐ ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܰܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܆‬ ‫̈ܰ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܽ ܶ ] ܽ ܗܪܢ ܘ ܰ ـ ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܬܕ ܳ ܬܐ ] ܰܕ ܰ ܰ ‪ܽ f‬‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܗܝ. ܗ ܶ‬ ‫̱ ܳ‬ ‫ܺ ܰ ‪ e‬ܕܗ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ܺ ܳ ܆ ܘ ܳ ܰ ܶ ܐ ܽ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܺܐ ܰ ܐܶ ܶ ܇ ܘ ܰ ܶܕܐ ܰ‬ ‫‪g‬‬ ‫ܶܕ ܺܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܙ ܽ ̈ܪ ܳ ܐܶ ܶ . ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫̈ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܙܘܕ . ܰܘ ܰ ܐ ܽ ܢ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫.ܗ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫‪k‬‬ ‫݂ ܳ ܐ ܳܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܐ ܶ ܶ . 5:62ܘ ܰ ܗ ܳܘܐ ܶ ܳ ܳ ܰܕܐ ܳ ܺ ܳ ܐ܆ ܰܐ ܶ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܳ ܶ ̈ܳ ܰ ܰ ܺ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܷ̇ ̱ ܰ‬ ‫̈ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܴ̇‬ ‫ܶ ܗ ܽ ܢ ܙܘܕܐ ܰܕ ݂ ܰ ‪ ܶ ܰ ܰ i‬ܐܬܪܢ ܰ ܐܬ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܙܘܕ ܆‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܘܬܘܒ ܰ ܺ ܳ ܺܐ ܕ ܶ ܇‪ܰ j‬‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܰ ܒ ܺ ـ ܰ ܰ ܰܪܒ ܽ ܬܗ ܕ ܰ ܰ ܇ ܕ ܳ ݂ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܺ ܽ ܬܢ. 6:62ܘ ܰ ܰܐ ܶ ܒܒ ܬܢ ܶ ܳ ̇ ܶ ܰ ܒ ܬܐ܆ ܰ ܽܘܬܐ ܘܬ ܒ ܽ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܕܶ ܒ ܰ‬ ‫ܟ ‪T corr | Z‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫ܐ[ ‪cj | Z mut | T‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪T | Z mut‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫‪corr | Z‬‬ ‫‪f‬‬ ‫‪T | Z mut‬‬ ‫‪g‬‬ ‫‪corr | Z‬‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪h‬‬ ‫‪i‬‬ ‫]ـ ܓ ܐܐ[ ‪] vel‬ـ ܓ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫‪T | C Z vid‬‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫*‪Z1 | Z‬‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫‪j‬‬ ‫‪T | Z mut‬‬ ‫* ‪k‬‬ ‫ܐ ݂ 1‪Z | Z‬‬ ‫26‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܶ̈ ܳ‬ ‫̈ܳ‬ ‫ܺ ܳ ܐ ܕܓ ܳ ܐ ܰ ̈ܳܐ ܰ ܓ ̈ܐܐ. ܗ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܶ ܘ ܶ ܘܬܕ ܳ ܬܐ ܕ ܳ ܳܕ ̇ ܶ‬ ‫ܺ ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܳܕ ܰ ܘ ܰ ܰ ܒ ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫̈ܰܒ ܶ ܐ: ܰܘ ܽܘ̈ܪܬܗ ̈ ܐ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܰܘ ܰ ܒ ܺ ـ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܺ ܳܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܓ ̈ܐܬܐ ܘ ܰ ̈ ܒ ܽ ܰ ܗܝ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܶ ܇‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܰ.ܐ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫̱ܳ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܇ 7:62ܐ ̇ ܺ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰܘ ܽ ܗܪܐ ܕ ܰ ܺ ܢ܇ ܰܘ ̈ܶ ܳ ܬܐ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫̈ܰ ܳ ܶܐ ܰܕ ܳ ܬܢ.‬ ‫ܰܘ ̈ ܽ ܰ ܗܝ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫1:72ܘ ܽ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܒ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫̈ܽ ܰ .‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶܕܐܬ ܰ ܆ ܐܪ ܽ ܢ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܒ ܳ ܬܢ ܰܘܒ ܽ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܽ ̇ ܰ ܺ ܢ. 3:72ܘ ܰ ܰ ݂ ܶܨ ܰ ܽܘܢ܆ ܐܬ ܶ ݂ ‪ d‬ܘܐܬܘ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܰ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܰܘ ܶ ܰ ܳ ܽ‬ ‫ܺܐܰ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ܢ ܐ ܳ ܳܐ‬ ‫ܳ ܬܢ. ܘ ̇ ܰ ܺ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰ ܢ ܕ ܽܘܪ ܶ . ܘ ܰ‬ ‫̈ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ ܘ ܶ ܘܓ ̈ܳ ܷ ܐ‬ ‫ܶ ܆ܘܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ̈ ܳܘ ܶ ܬ ̈ܺ ܶ ܐ ܰܕ ܰ ܗܘܘ ܰ ܆ ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܷ ̱ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶܕܐܬ ܰ ܰ ‪ . ܰ ܰ e‬ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܺ ܰ ܢ ܰܕ ܒ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫ܰ ̈ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳܶ ̱ܰ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܐܘ ܰ ݂ ܒ ܺ ̈ ܰ ܗܝ ̈ ܒ ܶ ܐ ܪܕ ̇ ܗܘ݂‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܢ ܽ ܶ . ܰܘܒ ܰ ݂ ̈ . ܘ ܽ ܓܐܐ ܶ ܒ ܰ ܰܐܬܪܢ ܽܘܪ ܰ . 2:72ܘ ܰ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܒ ܰ ܽܘܬܐ ܰܪܒ ܳ ܐ ܘ ܰ ܒ ܽ ܰ ‪ ܶ ܳ ܰ c‬ܘܪܘܙ ܰܘ ܰ ܒ ܺ ـ . ܘ ܶ ܰܕ ܺ‬ ‫ܳ ܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܐ ܶܕܐܬ‬ ‫ܰܘ ݂ ܰ‬ ‫ܗܳܘܬ. ܘ ܰ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܶ ܶܡ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܺ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܒ ܰ ܬܐ. ܽ ܗܪܐ ܰܪܒܐ ܘ ̈ܶ ܘܐ ܬ ̈ ܶ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܰܳ‬ ‫ܗܕ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰܘ ܓ ܢ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܒ ̈ـ ܶ ܐ ܰܕܐܒܐ ܕܪܒ ܽ ܬܐ ܶ ܳ ܳ ܐ܇ ܶܕܐܬ ܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܒ ܰ ̈ܳܕ ܶ ܐ ܕܒ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܰ ܺ ܳ ܐ. ܘ ܰ‬ ‫̱ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܗܪܗ ܕ ܰ ܒܐ ܳܕܐܙܠ ܗܘܐ ܳ ܰ ܆ ܐ‬ ‫ܷ̇‬ ‫ܽ ܒ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܳ ܶ ܰ ܰ ܇ ܰܘ ݂ ܰ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܳܰ‬ ‫ܒ ـ ܳ ܐ. 4:72ܘ ܰ ܰ ݂ ܬܘܒ ܰܘ ݂ ܰ‬ ‫‪corr | Z‬‬ ‫*‪Z1 | Z‬‬ ‫‪T | C Z vid‬‬ ‫‪Z |Z‬‬ ‫‪Z |Z‬‬ ‫1‬ ‫1‬ ‫*‬ ‫*‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܐܬ‬ ‫ܕܐܬ‬ ‫ܘܒ ܢ‬ ‫36‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܰ̈‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܺ ܆ ܘ ܰ ܳ ܐܡ ܰ ܽ ܳܕܐ ܰܕ ܳ ܳ ܐ܇‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܬ̈ܪ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܐ ܰ ܳ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܽ ܗܪܐ ܰܪܒܐ܇ ܰ ܳ ܺ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫̈ܳ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܶ ܘ ܶ ܰܕ ݂ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܬܐ ܽ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܒ ܽ ܪ ܶ ̈ ܳ ܶܐ܇ ܒ ܰ ܰ ܬ ܓ ܶܐ ܕܐ̈ܪܷܙܐ ̈ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܺܕܐ‬ ‫̈ ̱‬ ‫ܽܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܒ ܳ ܳܪܐ ܐ ̇ ܱ ܰ .‪ b‬ܐܦ ܰ ܨܘ̈ܪܬܗ ܰܘ ܒ ܽ ܰ ܗܝ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܇ 5:72ܘܐ ݂ ܰ ܰ ܰܘ ܰ ܇‬ ‫ܰ ܒ ܰ ܬܐ ܕܒ‬ ‫ܰ ܺ‬ ‫ܰ ܒ ̈ܒ ܶ ܐ‬ ‫ܶܕܐܬ ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܒܐܬܪܢ܇ ܐܦ ܒ ̇ ܴ ܝ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܕ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܒ ـ ܳ ܐ ܰܘ ܳ ܳ ܐ. ܶܕܐܬ ܺ ܝ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܰ ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܕܗܐ‬ ‫ܰ ܽ ܶ‬ ‫ܘܒ‬ ‫ܳ ̈ܶ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܐ̈ܪܙܐ ܘ ̈ܶ ܳܬܐ ܘܕ ܳ ܬܐ ܘܓ ̈ܳ ܐ: ܘ ܽ‬ ‫ܶ ܷ‬ ‫̱ܷ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܳ ܐ. ܶ ܺ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܐ ܰ ܳ ܳܐ ܰ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܶܨܒ ܳ ܶ ܕ ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܚ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܽ ̈ܪܒ ܶܐ ܰܕ ݂ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ ܐ܇ ܶ‬ ‫ܕ ܰ ܰܪ ܶܕܐ ̇ ܰ ܶ . 6:72ܘ ̇ ܱ ܶ ܒ‬ ‫ܶ ܺܕ ܶ . ܰܘ ܓ ܢ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ ܓܰ ܒ ܆ܘܰ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫̈ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ܬ ܓ ܶܐ. ܕ ܺ ݂ ܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܓܐ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܽ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ ܐ ܶ ܓ ܬܐ. ܰܘ‬ ‫ܺ ܗܝ܆‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܕܶ‬ ‫ܰܘܐܘ ܺ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ܳ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܰ ܒ ܰ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܰܰ‬ ‫ܶܕܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ ܐ‪ c‬ܐ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰܐܬܪܐ ܕ ܰ ̈ܶܐ܆ ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܬܐ ܕ ̈ ܶ ܐ‪ d‬ܕ ܰ ܐ ܶ ܐ‬ ‫ܰ ܰܘܓ ܳ ݂ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܶ ܳ‬ ‫܇ܕ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܗ ܳ ܬ ܙܪܥ ܒ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܽ ܬܗ ܶ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܰܕܐܒܐ ܕܪܒ ܽ ܬܐ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܽ‬ ‫ܕ ܳ ܐܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܺ ܽ ܽ ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܘܬܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰܕܒ ܳ ܐ ܕ̈ܪ ݂ ܶ ܐ‬ ‫ܰܘ ܒ ـ ܳ ܐ. ܘ ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܺ ݂‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܰ ̈ܶܐ. 7:72ܘܐ ݂ ܰ‬ ‫‪ e‬ܕ ܶ ܰ ܐ ܽ ܢ ܒ ܰ ܶ ̈ܒ ܶܐ ܰ ̈ ܳ ܶܐ. ܐܶ ܴ ܒ ܰ ܶܨܒ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܢ ܕ ܺܐܬܐ‪ ܰ g‬ܬܪܢ ܒ ܳ ܳ ܐ. ܘ ܰ ܐܬ ܰ ܳܘ ܳ ܰ ܳ ܳ ܐ: ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫‪f‬‬ ‫‪g‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̇ ܰ ܳ ܶܐ.‪ܰ 27:8 f‬ܘ ݂‬ ‫ܝ *‪Z1 | Z‬‬ ‫‪Z1 | Z* vid‬‬ ‫1‬ ‫ܕܐܬ‬ ‫ـ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ‪| Z* vid‬‬ ‫ܐ ‪vel‬‬ ‫ܐ ‪T cj | C Z vid‬‬ ‫ܐ ‪C corr | Z‬‬ ‫‪corr | Z‬‬ ‫ܐ ‪T | C Z vid‬‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐܬܘܢ ‪C Z vid | T‬‬ ‫46‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܽܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ ܨܘ̈ܪܬܗ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܳܕ ܰ ܰܘ ܽ ܗܪܢ܆ ܰ‬ ‫ܽ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܽ‬ ‫ܳ̇‬ ‫̇ ܳ ܶ ܰ ܘܪܘ ܺܙ ܰ ܽ ̇ ܐܘܪ ܳ ܐ܆ ܬܘܒ ܐ ܰ ܳ ̱ ܝ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ . ܘܙ ܰܘܕ ܶ ݂‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ̈ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܺ ܢ. 9:72 ܳܘܐܦ ܙܘܕ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܗܘ‬ ‫ܳ ܐ̈ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ̈ܶ‬ ‫ܳܐܦ ܶ ܙܘܕܐ ܰܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܺ‬ ‫ܽܢ ܽ‬ ‫ܶ ܇ܘܶ‬ ‫ܰܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܒ ܽ ܬܗ ܰܕ ܰ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܰ ܓ . ܰ ܳ ܓ ܺ ܰ ܰܘ ܰ ܒ ܺ ـ ܰ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܶ ܳ ܐ̈ ܰ ܆ ܘ ܶ ܰ ܺ ܶ ܒ ܽ ̈ܪ ܳ ܶ ܗ. ܘ ܰ ܺ ܺ‬ ‫ܰ ݂‬ ‫ܕ ܺ ܐܙܠ. ܘܗܐ ܳ ܡ ܰ ̈ ܰ ܽ ܢ ܺ ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰܰ ܇ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫. ܘܕ ܳ ܢ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܕܬܗܘܘܢ‬ ‫ܽܢ‬ ‫ܶܗ ܕ ܳܝ ܰ‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫ܽ ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܘܘܢ ܐܦ ܐ ̱‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܕܒ ܽ ̈ܪ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܘܢ܇‬ ‫ܶ ܶ ̈ܳ ܶ ܶ ̈ ܳ ܳ ܰ ܰ ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܡ: ܘ ܘܬܕ ܬܐ ܕ ݂ . ܘܕܬ‬ ‫>‪27:10 <f.24r‬ܘ ܶ ݂ ܶ ܐ ܰ ـ ܶ ܰܪܒܐ ܘܓ ̈ܳ ܰ ܗܝ ] ܳܐܦ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܶ ܽ ܳܕܐܦ‪ a‬ܗܪ ܳ ܐ ܳ ܬܢ‪ b‬ܒ ܳ ܳܪܐ ܺܐ ܰ ܘܗܝ ܰܐ ܶܕܐ ܰ ܰ . ܰܘ ܰ ܺ ܰ ܆ ܕ ܳ ܰ ܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܺ ܰ‬ ‫ܽ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܽ‬ ‫ܰ ̱ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ ܗܪܗ ܶ ܰ ܺ ܢ. ܐܦ ܬܘܒ ܒ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ ܐ ܐ ܘܗܝ. ܽ ܗܪܐ ܗܘ ܓ ܆‬ ‫̱‬ ‫11:72‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫݂ܽ ܢ ܰܘܬܗ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫̈ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫̈ ܶܐ ܰܘܓܒ ܳ ܐ.‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܒ ‪ c‬ܕ ܳ ܓ ܽ ܬܐ ܒ ܶ ܒܐ ܰ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ̈ܶ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܙܘܕܐ ܗ ܶ ܶܕܐܬܘ ܰ ܰ . ܰܘ ݂ ܰ ܘ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܘ ܰ ܰ ܪ ܒ ܽ ܒ ܓ ܺ ܳ ܐ.‬ ‫ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܰܕ ܽ‬ ‫ܘ ̇ܰ ܺ‬ ‫̱ܳ‬ ‫ܶܐ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰܘܒ ܰ ܶ ܽ ܬܐ ܰ ܺ ܬܐ ܽ‬ ‫݂ܳܶ‬ ‫̇ ܱ ܕܨܒܐ. ܰܘܐ ܽ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܘܐܬ ܶ ‪ e‬ܐܦ ܐ ̱ ܽܘܢ ܒܒ ܽ ܪ ܗ ܰܕ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܰ ܘ ܰ ܰ ܗܝ ܳ ܰ .‬ ‫̱ܺ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈ܳ ݂ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫ܴ̇‬ ‫1:82 ܰܘ ܰ ‪ a‬ܐ̱ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܶ ܽܘܢ ܰ ܳ ܶ ܒ ܽ ܒܐ ܶ ܗ ܽ ܢ ܙܘܕܐ ܘܐ ܰ .‬ ‫ܷ‬ ‫̇ ܳ ܶ ܘܕ ܺ . ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܶ ܽܘܢ ܽ ܶ ܶ ܡ ܕ ܶ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܒ ܺ ـ ܳܘܐ ܺ ܗܘܘ ܰ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪T | Z mut‬‬ ‫‪T cj | Z deest‬‬ ‫1 ‪c‬‬ ‫*‪Z | Z‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫ܠ *‪Z1 | Z‬‬ ‫‪Z |Z‬‬ ‫1‬ ‫*‬ ‫ܘܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܬ‬ ‫56‬ Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi ܳ ܳ ܶ̈ ܳ ‫ܶ ܙܘܕܐ ܗ ܶ ܆ ܽ ܗܪܐ‬ ܳܰ ‫ܳ ܐ ̇ܳ ܶ ܰ ܶ ܒ ܳ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܶ ܳ ܐ. ܺܘܐ‬ ܶ ‫ܳ ܳܐ ܒ‬ ܰ ܶ ܴ̇ ܶ ܶ ‫ܰ ̈ܐ: ܘܒ ܗܘܐ‬ c ܶ ܳ ܳ ‫ܒ ̇ ܒ ܳ ܐ ܶܕܐ‬ ܺ ̇ ‫ܳܕܐ ̇ ܱ ܆ ܰܕ‬ ̱ܳ ܺ ̇ ‫ܗܘܐ ܶ ܽܘܢ ܳܕܐ ̇ ܱ ܆ ܰܕ‬ ܳ ‫ܶ ܕ ܽ ܬܐ ܒ ܳ ܳ ܐ. 2:82 ܺܘܐ‬ ܺ ̇ ‫ܳܕܐ ̇ ܱ ܆ ܰܕ‬ ܺ ‫ܽܘܢ. ܐ‬ ܰ ‫ܰܪܒܐ ܕ‬ ܳ ݂ܳ ‫ܰܕܨܒܐ. ܺܘܐ‬ ܰ ‫ܐ‬ ܶ ܰ ܶ ܳ ܳ ‫ܰ ܒܐ ܕ ܽ ܗܪܐ܆ ܰܕܒ ܽ ܗܪܗ ܐ‬ ݂ ܶ ܰ ܰ ‫ܳܕܐ ̇ ܱ ܰܕ ̇ ܺ ܒ ܳ ݂ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܰ ܰ ܐܪ ܶ ܘܗ ܶ ܕܓܒ ܳ ܐ. ܘ ̇ ܱ ܶ ܐ ܰܘ ܰ ܶ ܐ‬ ܶ ܶ ܰ ܶ ‫ܰܘܒ ܶ ܘܗ ܺ ܳ ܐ. 3:82 ܺܘܐ ܳܕܐ ̇ ܱ ܰܕ ̇ ܺ ܐ ܐ ܳ ܐ ܰܕܬ ܰ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܕ‬ ܺ ̇ ‫ܳܕܐ ̇ ܱ ܰܕ‬ ܳ ܶ ‫ܶ ܒ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܳ ܳ ܐ. ܺܘܐ‬ ܽ ܶ ‫ܽ ܪ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܘܒ‬ ܰ ܶ ܴ ̇ ‫ܰ ܽ ܳܕܐ ܕ ܽ ܗܕܐ ܕ‬ ܳ ܳ ‫ܶ ܒ ܰ ܽܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܰ ܇ ܗ ܽܢ‬ ܴ̇ ܶ ‫ܺ ̈ ܐ ܽܘܪ ܶ ܇ ܘ ܳ ܓ ܺ ܰܘ ܰ ܒ ܺ ـ‬ ܰ ܰ ܺ ܳ ‫ܒܓ ̈ܪ ܶ ̇ ܰܕܐܪ ܳ ܐ: ܘ‬ ܳܳ ܺ ܳ ܺ ̱ܰ ܳ ܰ ‫ܰܪܒ ܳ ܐ. 4:82 ܰܘܐ̱ ܳ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܰ ܓ ̈ܐܬܐ ܕ ̈ܰ ܓ ܐܢ ܶ ܗ ܶ ܳܐ ̇ ܺ ܗܘܘ‬ ܳ ܺ ܳ ܶ ‫ ܗܘܘ ܶ ܙܘܕܐ ܗ ܽ ܢ. ܘ ܰ ܒ ܗܘܐ ܶܪ ܳ ܽܘܢ ܬܶ ܒ ܽ ܳ ܐ ܰ ܓ ܐܬܐ ܽ ܡ‬d ݂ ܰ ‫ܶܕܐ‬ ̱ܰ ̱ܳ ܰ ܴ̇ ܶ ̈ ܳ ܺ ܳ ܰ ܳ ܰ ܶ ܳ ‫ܽ ܡ. ܰܘܗ ܳܘܬ ܰ ܽܘܬܐ ܰ ܓ ܐܬܐ ܒ ܽ ܐܬܪܐ ܕ ܰ ܳ ܐ܇ ܰܘܗ ݂ ܰܘܘ ܶ ܰ ܺ ܐ ܳ ܐ ܒ ܽ ܒܐ‬ ݂ ܶ ܳ ܶ ܳ ܰ ܶ ܳ ܰ ܽ ܳ ܰ e ܺ ‫ܕ ܳ ܰ ܢ܆ ̈ܪܘܪܒ ܶܐ ܘ ̈ ܺ ܶܐ. ܘ ̈ ܶ ܐ ܰܘ ܷ݂ ̈ܐ ܶ ܽ ܐܬܪܐ: ܳ ܬܗܘܢ ܕ̈ܪܘܪܒ ܶܐ ܶܕܐܬ‬ f ܳ ܺ ܶ ̱ܳ ‫ܳ ܳ ܐ ] ܰ ̱ܬܐ ܰܘ ܒ ـ ܳ ܐ: ܘܐ̈ܪ ܷܙܐ ܘܓ ـ ̈ܳ ܶܐ‬ ܽ ‫ܶ ܽܘܢ‬ ܺ ܳ ‫̈ ܓ ܽ ܶ ܐ. 5:82 ܳܘܐܬ ܗܘܘ ܘ‬ ݂ ܰ ̱ ܷ̇ a b c d e Z1 | Z* Z |Z C cj Z1 1 * * Z1 f T | Z illeg. From here until the end of folio 24r, and also for parts of folios 24v and 25r, the words are mostly illegible; I have followed the readings of Tullberg for the illegible portions, as did Chabot. In many cases, the illegible portions are quite large, and a single footnote often designates a section of the text spanning several lines. ‫| ܕ‬Z ̇ ‫|ܕ‬Z |Z ‫ܕܐ‬ | Z vid ‫ܕܐܬ ܝ‬ 1 * ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܘܐ‬ * ‫ ܕ‬vel ‫ܕ‬ 66 ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܽ‬ ‫ܶ ܐܬܪܗܘܢ: ܰ ܳ ܐ ܶܕܐܬܘ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ. ܘ ܽ‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܐ ] ܰ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܗܘ ܰܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܱ̇‬ ‫ܽܘܢ: ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶܕܐܬ ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܘܽ‬ ‫ܺ ـ ܳ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫̈ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܡ ܬܘܒ ]ܓ ̈ܳ ܐ ܘ ܶ ܘ ܶ ܶ ܬܘ ܺ‬ ‫݂ܽ‬ ‫ܶ ܷ‬ ‫ܽ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫6:82ܘ ܶ ܓ ܰ ]ܗ ܳ ܽ ܬܐ ܒ ܽ ܒܐ ܕ ܳ ܕܘܬܐ ܕ ܳ ܰ ܢ‪ ܽ ܶ d‬ܥ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܒ ܰ ܽܘܬܐ. ܘ ܽ ܡ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܺܳ .‬ ‫ܽܘܢ. ܰ ܳ ܐ ܕ ̇ ܰ ܶ ݂ ܶܨܒ ܳ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܶܕܐܬ ܺ ܝ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܐ ܰ ܰ ܘ ܳ ܐ ܶ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܗܘ ܰ ܳ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܱ̇‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܐ ܒܐ ܶ ]ܕ ܳ ܺ ܗܘܘ.‬ ‫̈ܶܕ ݂ ܳ ܢ ܰ ̈‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ̱ܳ ܺ‬ ‫ܒ ̈ܰ ܕ ̇ ܴܒ ]ܗܘܐ ܒܐ ̈ܰ ܽܘܢ܇ ܗܘ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܽ ܗܪܐ‬ ‫ܱ̇‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ ‪ f‬ܒ ܶ ܒܽ‬ ‫]ܕ ܳ ܽ ܶ ܒ ܽ ܶ ܶ ܡ܇ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܕ ܰ ܶ ܗ. ܘ ܶ ܓ ܰ ]ܗ ܳ ܽ ܬܐ ܕ ̈ܰ ܷܐ‪ g‬ܒܐܬܪܐ ܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܽ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܳ : ܒ ܰ ܶܨܒ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܳ ܰ ܢ‪ ܳ ] i‬ܐ ܕ ܰ ܶܪܗ܆‬ ‫1:92 ܰ ݂ ܶ ܬܘܒ‪ܽ ܺ h‬ܘܕܐ ܬܘ ܰ ܐ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫̈ܺ ܶ‬ ‫̈ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܺ ܺ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܬܘܒ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܶ ܓ ܰ ܗ ܳ ܽ ܬܐ‪ j‬ܒܐ ܶ ܕ ܳ ܺ ܗܘܘ܇ ]ܒ ܰ ܰ ̈ ܰ ܓ ܐܐ ܳܘܐܬܘܬܐ‬ ‫݂ܽ‬ ‫ܶ ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܽ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܕ ̇ ܴܒ ܗܘܐ ܬ ܳ ܇‪ܽ ܺ k‬ܘܕܐ ܬܘ ܰ ܐ ܺ ـ ܶ ܕ ܳ ܰ ܢ. 2:92ܘ ܰ ] ݂ ܰ ‪ l‬ܗܘܘ ܰܪܘ̈ܪܒ ܶܐ ܶܕܐܙܠ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܺ ܽܘܕܐ‪ܰ : ܳ ܰ m‬ܐ ܶܕܐ ݂ ܰ‬ ‫‪p‬‬ ‫ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ܆ ܐܬ ܶ ‪ n‬ܘܐܙ ‪ ܳ o‬ܬܗ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ] ܽ ܗܪܐ ܶܕܐܬ ܺ ܝ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪Z1 | Z* vid‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪f‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪g‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪h‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪i‬‬ ‫ܐ ‪C Z vid | T‬‬ ‫‪j‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪k‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫1 ‪l‬‬ ‫‪Z | Z* vid‬‬ ‫‪m‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫1 ‪n‬‬ ‫‪Z | Z* vid‬‬ ‫‪o‬‬ ‫‪p‬‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܕܒ‬ ‫‪Z |Z‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫1‬ ‫*‬ ‫ܐܬ‬ ‫ܘܐܙܠ ‪vid‬‬ ‫76‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܺܕ ܽܘܕܐ ܒ ܽ ܒܐ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܬܗ‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫ܒ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܬܐ ܰܘܒ ܰ ܳ ܽ ܬܐ. ܘ ܶ ܐ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܽܢ ] ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܕܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫݂ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̇ܺ‬ ‫3:92 ܰܘ ݂ ܺ ܝ ܒ ܽܘܢ ܐܦ ܺ ܽܘܕܐ‪ ܰ c‬ܓ . ]ܘ ܰ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܽܘܕܐ܆ ܐ ܳ ܳ ܐ ݂ ܰ ܘ ܰܕ ܰ ܒ ܽ ܢ‪ ܳ ܰ ܶ d‬ܐ ] ܰ ܳ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܐ. ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܶ ܆‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ܗܘܢ ܰܕ ܳ ܬܗ ܰܕ ܒ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܓ ̈ܳ ܐ ܘ ܶ ̈ ܳܘ ܶ ܰܕ ݂ ܰ ܘ ܬ ܰ ܒ ܰ ܬܐ܆ ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܷ‬ ‫̈ܳ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܽ ܳ ̇ ܰ ܺ ܗܘܢ ܒ ܶ ܘ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ܇ ܒ ܽ ܗܪܗ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܐ܇ ] ܰ ̇ ܳ ܶ ܒ ܳ ܰ ܢ.‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ ܳ ܳ ܐ. ܐܶ ܰ ̇ ܽ ܢ ܶ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܗܒ ܳ ܐ ܗܕܐ ܕ ܽ ܗܪܐ ܕ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫ܽܘܢ. ܘ ܰ‬ ‫̱ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܷ ܐ ܗܘܐ ]‬ ‫‪f‬‬ ‫ܶ ܶ ܡ ܶܕܐܬ ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܽ‬ ‫ܬܗܘܢ ܰܕܐ ܳ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܘܽ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܗܝ ܕ ܳ ܰ ܢ ܐܶ ܰ ܰ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܺ ܽ ܽܘܢ ܐ ̈ܶ ܐ‬ ‫‪i‬‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܺ ܰ ܥ ܺ ܽܘܕܐ ] ܺ ـ ܳ ܐ܆ ܕ ܰ ܗܒ ܐ‬ ‫݂ܺ‬ ‫ܰ ـܳܰ ܰ‬ ‫>‪<f.24v‬‬ ‫ܺ ܶ‬ ‫ܰܘܒܓ ̈ ܳ ܶܐ ܰ ܓ ̈ܐܐ. 4:92ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫̈ܰ ܗܝ܇‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܶ ܇‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ݂ܽܘܢ‪ g‬ܐ ܺ ܐܦ ݂ܗ ܽܘ‬ ‫ܶ ܰ ܳ ܰ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܐ ܳ ܐ܇ ܘ ܰ ‪ܳ ̈ ܰ h‬ܘܐ ̈ ܳ ܬܐ ܘܓܒ ܳܘܬܐ ܰܕ ݂ܰܒ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ ܰ ܽܘܢ ܺܕ ܽܘܢ ܰܕ ܺ ـ‬ ‫ܽܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܘ ܰ ܶܕ ̈ܳ ܬܐ ܕ ̈ܽ ܰ ܗܝ܇ ܘ ܰ ܨܘ̈ܪܬܗ ܬ ̈ܺ ܳ ܬܐ ܕ ܳ ܰ ܶ ܰ ܕ ܶ ܰ ܶ ܐ ܰ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫̱ܳ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰܕܒ ܽ ܒ ܶ ܶܐ‪ j‬ܗܘܐ ܰ . ܐ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܰܕܬ ܺ ܺ ܗܘ ܰ ܒ ܘ ܳ ܺ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ̈ ܰ‬ ‫ܽܘܡ ܶ‬ ‫ܶܪ ܳ ܳ ܐ. ܕ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܒ ܽ ܳ ܳ ݂ܐ. ܰܘܒ ܽ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ ܐ܇ ܐܬ ܺ ܝ ̱ ܳ ܗ ܰ ܳ ܐ.‬ ‫ܐܠ ‪Z1 | Z* vid‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪f‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪g‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪h‬‬ ‫‪C corr | Z‬‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܗܝ ‪T corr | Z‬‬ ‫‪j‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪i‬‬ ‫̈ـ‬ ‫86‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܰ ܳܳ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܒ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܺـܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܺ ܽܘܕܐ‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܺ ܽܘܕܐ܆ ܰ ܒ‬ ‫̈ܰ ܳ ܶܐ.‪ܰ c‬ܘܒ ܰ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܰܐ ̈ܶ ܐ ܰ ܐܶ ܰ ܺ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫5:92ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܺ ܽܘܕܐ. ܐ ̈ܰـ ݂ ܐܦ ܐ ܳ ̇ ܳ ܶ ܐ ܐ̱ ܳ .‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ ܐ ܰܪܒ ܽ ܬܐ ܶ ܳ ܐ. ܒ ܰ ܒ ܶ ܗ ܶܨܒ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܰ ̈ܐ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܕ ܳ ܰ ܢ. ܰܕ ܰ ܬܦ ܐܶ ܽ ܢ ܰ ܶ ܒ ܳ ܶ ܕ ܳ ܰ ܢ. 6:92ܘܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܶ ܰ ܶ‬ ‫̱ܽ ܳܶ‬ ‫ܰܕ ܶ ̇ ܗܘ ܕܗܕܐ ܰ ܗܒ ܐ ܐ ܕܪܬ ܒ ̈ܰ ܶܐ. ܰܕ ܽ ܳ ܰܕ ܰ ܶ ܒ ܰ ̈ܐ܆‬ ‫ܺ ܳ ܰ ܳܳ ܳ ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܒ ܒ ܶ ܒܒܐ.‬ ‫ܳ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܳ ܝ ܶ ܽ ܥ ـ ܐ ܒ ݂ܪܐ.‬ ‫ܰܘܒ ܽ ܒܐ ܰ ܒ‬ ‫ܶ ܶ‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫ܰ ܒ ܰ ܒܐ. ܕܒ ܐܶ ܽ ܢ ܺ ܽܘܕܐ ܳܐܦ ܰ ̈ܶ ܐ ܰܐ ܶ ܰܕܒ ܰ‬ ‫݂ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳܬ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܺ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܰ ̈ܳܐ. ܰܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫1:03ܒ ܴܐ ܶܕ ܳ ܓ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ ܰܕ ܰ ܒ ܽ ܢ ܳܐܦ ܗ ܽ ܢ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܳ ܰ ܢ܆ ܰܘ ݂ ܰ‬ ‫݂ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫̱݂ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܗܝ ܘܐ ܰ .‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܳܐ ܘ ܰܒ‬ ‫ܰܒ‬ ‫2:03‬ ‫ܳܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܺ ـ ܰ ܳ ܐܪܙܐ ܕ ܰ ̈ܐ܇‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܶܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܐܬ ܶ ܒ ܰ ܒ ܒ ܽ ܬܐ ܰ ܺ ـ ܽ ܬܐ.‬ ‫ܰܕܒ ܶ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫3:03 ܳ‬ ‫̱ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܒ ܳ ܐ ܐܪܙܐ ܰ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܶܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܰܕܒ ܶ ܳ ܐ ]ܐܬ ܶ ܒ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ܐ ܒ ܒ ܽ ܬܐ ܰ ܺ ـ ܽ ܬܐ.‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܒ ܳ ܐ‪ e‬ܐܪܙܐ ܰ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫̱ܴ‬ ‫ܶܺ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰܕܒ ܶ ܳ ܐ ܐܬ ܶ ܒ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ܐ ]ܰܘ‬ ‫ܽ ܳ ܳ ܐ܆‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫*‪Z1 | Z‬‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܐ ‪T corr | Z‬‬ ‫*‪Z1 | Z‬‬ ‫‪Z1 | Z* illeg‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫96‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܽ ܰـ ܇‬ ‫ܶ ܽ ܳ ܐ ܰܘ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܒ ܶ ̈ ܒܒ ܽܘܢ.‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫4:03ܘܒ ܰ ܰ ܪ‪ ܰ a‬ܘ ܰ ܶ ܩ ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܰܘܒܐܪܙܗ ܬܘܒ ܳܙ ܶ ܐܬ̈ ܺ ܶ ܐ ܰܕܐܓ ܽ ܳ‬ ‫̱ܷ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܒ ܳ ܐ ܳܪܐܙܐ ܕ ܶ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫5:03‬ ‫ܶ ܶ‬ ‫ܺ ـ ܳ ܐ ܬܗܘܐ ܳ ܇‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܕ ܰ ܬ ܽ ܬܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰܕ ݂ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܘܒ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ‬ ‫] ܰܙ ̈ ܶܐ ܒܐܓ ܽ ܳ :‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܘ ܰ ܪܘ ܳ ܐ ܰ ܐ ܰ ܇‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܒ ̱ܬ ܰܙܘܓ ܪܘ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܽ ܕ ܳ ܐ܁‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ܳـܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ݂ܐ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܰ ̈ܐ.‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫6:03ܘ ܳ ܐܣ ܳܐܦ ܗ ܽܘ ܰ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܰ ܳܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ̇ܓ‬ ‫݂ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰܘ ܰ ܬܬ ܰ ܓ ܳ ܐ ܒ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܶ‬ ‫7:03ܬܝ ܰ ܬ ܗ ܕܒ ܽ ܳ ܐ:‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ̈ܐ‪ܰ c‬ܕ ܳ ܰ ܇‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫̇‬ ‫ܳ ܳܗ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܬܬ ܒ ܰ ̈ ܳ ܳ ܐ ]ܒ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܬܝ‬ ‫ܺ ـ ܳ ܐ.‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫8:03 ܰܘ ܳ ܝ ܰ ܗ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̈ ܶܐ ]ܕ ܰ ܒ ̈ܒ ܗܝ ܕ ܳ ܰ ܢ ܶ ܽ ܥ‬ ‫ܺ ܰ ̱‬ ‫ܽ ܳ‬ ‫ܘܕ ܳ ܐܶ ܽ ܢ. ܘ ܰ ܶ ܐܶ ܽ ܢ ܶ ܽ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫̈ ܬ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܰ ܓ ܰ ܽܘܢ.‬ ‫ܶ ܆‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫ܰ ̈ ܶܐ‬ ‫9:03]ܘ ̇ ܶ ܘܘܢ ܶ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫̈ܰ ܳ ܶܐ.‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰܘ ܳ ـ ܳ ܐ ] ܰ ܒ ܳ ܐ ܕ̈ܪ ܶ ܐ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫07‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܰ ̈ܳܐ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ܆‬ ‫ܽܘܢ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫]ܶ‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰܘܬ ܰ ܺ ܐ ܽ ܢ ܒ ܰ ܳ ܳ ܐ‪ c‬ܕ ܰ ݂ ̈ܐ ܓ ܺ ܳ ܐ .‬ ‫1:13 ܰܘܐ ܶ ܐܶ ܽ ܢ ܒ ܶ ܰܐܒܐ ܰܘܒ ܳ ܐ ܘܪܘ ܳ ܐ ܰ ܺ ܳ ܐ. ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܰ ܕ ܽ ܗܪܐ ܶ ܳ ܴܐ:‪ܰ e‬ܕ ݂ ܶ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ. ܘܗܐ ܒ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ܆ ܐܬ ܺ ܝ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܐ ܘܐ ݂ ܰ‬ ‫‪f‬‬ ‫ܽ ܢ ܕܗ ܳ ܐ ܐܶ ̇ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܱ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳܰ‬ ‫‪h‬‬ ‫ܽ ܢ ܒ ̈ܰ ܐ̈ܪܙܝ ܽ‬ ‫̱ܳ ܰ‬ ‫] ܳ ܳܐ ܰ‬ ‫ܰܐܪ ܳ ܐ. ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܳܐ‬ ‫ܶ ̈ ܳܘ ܶ ܘܓ ̈ܳ ܷ ܐ ܰܕ ܰ ܽܘܢ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܒ ܽ ܬܐ ܰܕ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܒ ـ ܳ ܐ ܰܘ ܳ ܳ ܳ ܐ. ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܆‪ i‬ܐܬ ܺ ܝ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܐ ܰ ܳ ܳ ܐ. 2:13 ܰܘܕ ܶ ‪ܰ g‬ܘ ܰ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܺ ـ ݂ ܳ ܐ.‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܰ ܡ ܺ ܽܘܕܐ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ݂ ܳ ܐ. ܰ ܒ ܰܘ ܳ ܐ. ܘ݂ ܰ ̱ ܒ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܒ ܽ ̈ ܳ ܰ . 3:13ܘ ܰ ܐܬܓ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܒ ܶ ܒܽ ܳܐ ܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳܐܦ ܰ ܰ ܶ ܽܘܢ ܘܐ ܰ‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ‪j‬‬ ‫ܳ ܐ ܰܘ ܳ ܰ ݂ ܐ ܪܪܘ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܳܐ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫݂ܐ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܢ ܕ ܰ ̈ܐ. ܶ ܗ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ. ܕܗܐ ܽ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܘ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܬܗܘܢ܆ ܬܘܒ ܰ ܐܘܗܝ‪ܶ ̇ ܰ a‬‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܴ‬ ‫݂ܽ ̱‬ ‫ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܒ ܽ ܬܟ ܒ ܺ‬ ‫ܺ ܽܘܕܐ. ܰ ܒ ܺ ـ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ̇ ܳ ܳ ܐ. 4:13ܘܐ ݂ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܺ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̈ܺ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܘ ܺ ـ ܺ ـ ܳ ܽ ܬܟ ܰ ܓ ܐܬ ܰ ܨܘ ܶ ܐ. ܰܘ ̈ܽ ܰ‬ ‫ܒ ـ ܶ ܐ ܕ ܰ ܺ ܢ܆ ܰܘ ܒ ܽ ܶ ܐ ܰܕ ܒ ݂‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ ܰ ܢ܇ ܰܕ ܰ ܰܪܒ ܽ ܬܟ ܶ ܒ ܰ ܳ ܺ ܳ ܐ. 5:13ܘܒ ܳ ܐ ̈ܳ ܶ ܐ ܐܶ ܰ ݂ܬ. ܰ ܒ ܰ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫ܐ ‪T corr | Z‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫1 ‪d‬‬ ‫*‪Z | Z‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫1 ‪f‬‬ ‫‪Z | Z* vid‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪g‬‬ ‫‪h‬‬ ‫‪i‬‬ ‫‪j‬‬ ‫‪Z | Z vid‬‬ ‫‪Z | Z vid‬‬ ‫‪Z1 | Z* vid‬‬ ‫ܪܪ ‪Z1 | Z* vid‬‬ ‫1‬ ‫*‬ ‫1‬ ‫*‬ ‫ܘܕ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫17‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܺ ܰ‬ ‫ܽ ܶ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܽܘܢ ܐ . ܐ ̱ ܗܘ ܓ ܒ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ ܺ ܶ ܽ ܰ‬ ‫ܘܐ ܳ ܐ ܺ ܳ .‪31:6 b‬ܘܗ ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܢ܆ ܕ ܶ ܳ .‬ ‫ܽ ܽܘܢ ]ܐ ܺ ̈ ܶ ܐ ܰܕ ݂ܒ ܘܐܬ ݂‬ ‫̱ ̱‬ ‫ܺ ܶ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ ܰܕܐ ܶ ܒ ܳ ܢ ܒ ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܓ ̈ܐܐ ݂ܰܕܗ ܰܘܘ ܰ . ܘ ܽ ܶ ܶ ܡ ܰܕܐ ‪̈ܳ ܰ c‬ܨ ܽ ݂ܶܒܐ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ݂ܰܒ ܬ‪ܰ d‬‬ ‫ܰܐ ̈ܰ ܆ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܰ ܐ ̱ ܶ ܽ ܽܘܢ ̈ܰ ܶ ܐ. ܘܒ ܽ ܗ ܶ ܐ ̱ ܕܗܘ‬ ‫ܱ̇‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܕ ܳ ܳ ܐܫ܆ >‪ <f.25r‬ܕ ܰ ܺܕ ܰ ܶ ܘܐ ܰ ܽ ܪ ܳ ܳ ܐ ]ܒ ܰ ܒ ܽ ܬܟ. 7:13ܘ ܶ ܽ ܳ ܰ ܢ ܽ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܰܪܒܐ ܘܪܒ ܽ ܬܟ ܰܘܐܒ ܽ ܟ ܳܪ ܳ ܐ.‬ ‫݂‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܺܰ‬ ‫ܽ ܰܕ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܘܗܕ ܰ ܘ ܽ ܗܪܢ ܘ ܰ ـ ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܰܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ‬ ‫ܰ ̱ܒ‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫ܰܰ ܺ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ̱ ܶ‬ ‫. ܐ ̱ ܗ ܽܘ ܓ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫‪f‬‬ ‫݂ܰܒ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰ . ܰܘ ܰ ܳ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܽ ܺ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ܶ ݂ܡ ܒ ܗܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܶ ܶܡ ܰ ܒ ܬ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܒ ݂ܬ ܘ ܽ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܘ ܶ ܽ ܕܒ ܗ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܒ ܽܘ‬ ‫̈ܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܬ‬ ‫ܰܐ ̈ܰ . 8:13 ܰܘ ܰ ܽ‬ ‫ܰܒ ܺـ ܰ ܁ ܘ ܳ ܓ ܺ ݂ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽܘܬܐ ܰܪܒ ܐ.‬ ‫ܰ ̈ܰ ܳ ܳ ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܕܒ ܐ.‬ ‫ܰܕ ܺ ܺ ܰ ܶ ܳ ̇ .‬ ‫ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ ܬ ܽ ܬܟ ܕ ܰ ̈ܐ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܬܐ ܰܘܒ ̈ܶ ܳܘ ܶ ܕ ܳ ܰ ܢ܆‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ ܺ ܽܘܕܐ.‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫01:13ܘܐ ݂ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܽ ܒ ܰܕ ܳ ܬܢ܇ ܕ ܽ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܶ ܐ ܰ ̈ܬܐ ܕ ܶ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܰ ݂ ̈ܶܐ. ܘܐ ݂ ܰ ܘ‪ g‬ܒ ܰ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܒ ܽ ܬܟ ܕ ܶ ܰ ـ ܒ ܽ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܒ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰܓ‬ ‫ܘ ܰ ܶܕ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܽ ܬܢ܇ ܰܕܐ ܺ ܳ ܢ ܒ ܰ ܰ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܺ ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܺ ܗܘܘ ܒ ܘܕ ܐ ܘܒ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܒ ܰ ܽ ݂ܬܐ ܽ ܡ ܶ ܽ ܡ.‬ ‫ܳ ܳ‬ ‫ܰܘ ܽ ܗܪܟ ܰܪܒܐ ܰܕܐܕ ܰ‬ ‫ܰܕ ܳ ܰ . 9:13ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܓܐܐ ܰܕܐ ̈ܶ ܐ ܶ ܬܘ ܺ‬ ‫ܘܗܝ ‪corr | Z‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫1 ‪c‬‬ ‫ܝ ‪Z | Z* vid‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪T | Z illeg‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫‪corr| Z‬‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪f‬‬ ‫‪g‬‬ ‫ܕܐ‬ ‫ܗ‬ ‫ܘܐ‬ ‫27‬ ‫‪T corr | Z‬‬ ‫‪Z | Z vid‬‬ ‫1‬ ‫*‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫ܳ ܳ ܐ ܰܘܐ ܶ ܙܘ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܕܰܒ‬ ‫ܽ ܶ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫ܰ ܇ܕ ܽ‬ ‫ܽ ܳ ܶ ܕ ܰ ܰ ܢ ܶܕܐ ݂ ܰ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫܆ ܱ̇ ݂‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܶ ܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܐ ̈ܰ ـ‬ ‫ܽܘܢ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ ܳ ܰ ܶ ܽ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܬܢ.‬ ‫ܰܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܶ‬ ‫ܐܬܪ܆ ܰܘܐ ܶ ܙܘ‪ ܰ d‬ܗܒ ܗ‬ ‫̈ܰـ ܆ ݂ܗ ܰܘܘ ܳܐܦ ܰܐ ܽܘܢ ܳ ܽܘܙܐ ܕ ܶ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܷ‬ ‫ܕ ܳ ܰ ܢ. ܽ ‪ܳ c‬ܐܦ ܰܐ ܽܘܢ ܽ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ܳ ܕ ̇ ܳ .‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰܐܬܪ܆ ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܒ ܬܝ. ܶ ܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܐܦ ܐ ̱ ܽܘܢ ܰ ܗܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܕ ܽ ܗܪܢ ܰܘܕ ܰ ـ ܳ ܰ‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫ܺܙ ܗܘܘ ܒ ܽ ܒܐ ܰ ܳ ܐ ܰ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܶ ܽ ܰ ̈ܶ‬ ‫. ܰ ̇ ܴܒ ܺ ܗܘܘ ܐܦ ݂ܗ ܢ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܰܕܒ ̈ܰ ܳ ܳ ܐ: ܒ ܽܘ ܳ ܐ ܕ ܽ ܕ ܳ ܐ ܶܕܐ ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫̱ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ ܬܐ ܰܕ ܳ ܳܪܐ ܰ ܐ ̇ ܺ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܳ ܳ ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܽ ܗܪܐ ܕ ̇ ܴܒ . ܐ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܕܬ ݂ܽ ܢ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܘܒ ܓ ܰ ܰܪܒܐ ܒ ܰ ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܽ ܰـ‬ ‫ܽ ܳ ̇ ܰܐܪ ܳ ܐ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܬ ܽܢ‬ ‫1:23 ܰܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܺ ـ ܳ ܐ ܒ ܶ ܗ ܕ ܳ ܳܐ ܕ ܽ‬ ‫ܒ ܽ ܳܐ‬ ‫ܺܙ‬ ‫ܶ ܽ ݂ܳ ܐ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܺ ܶ‬ ‫ܗ ܕ ܳ ܰܢ ܶ ܽ ܥ‬ ‫ܳܘܐ ̈ܰ ܳ ܬܐ ܒ ܶ‬ ‫ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܕ ܳ ܰ ܢ܆ ܕ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫̱ܰ ܰ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܗ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܘܬܘ‬ ‫ܰ ܽܘܢ ܒ ܰ ܗܒ ܶ ܗ ܕ ܳ ܰ ܢ. 2:23ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫‪f‬‬ ‫ܽ ܳ ܆ ܰܕ ܽܘ‬ ‫ܺ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܘܰ‬ ‫ܘܬ‬ ‫ܶ ̈ ܰ ܗܝ ܕ ܳ ܰ ܢ ܶ ܽ ܥ ܰ ـ ܳ ܰ‬ ‫̱‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܶ ܇ ܰܕܬܕ ܳ ̇‬ ‫ܽ‬ ‫ܰ ܬܪܘܢ‪ g‬ܬ ܶ‬ ‫ܐ ܳ ܳ ܐ: ܶ ܺܕ݂ ܳ ܐ ܰܕ ܺ ܳ ܕ ܽ ܳܪܐ ܳܕܐܬ ܳ ܐ ܶ‬ ‫̇‬ ‫̱‬ ‫̱ܳ‬ ‫ܱ ܗܘܬ‬ ‫ܰܕܐ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ ܳ ܕ ܽ ܳܪܐ܆‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ ̇ ܒ ܺ ܐ ܳ ̇ . 3:23ܘܬܬ ܰ ܽܘܢ ܰܐ ̱ ܽܘܢ ܒ ܰ ܳ ܽ ܬܐ ܶ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪b‬‬ ‫‪c‬‬ ‫‪d‬‬ ‫‪e‬‬ ‫‪f‬‬ ‫‪g‬‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܘܐ ܙ ‪corr | Z‬‬ ‫ܩ ‪Z | Z vid‬‬ ‫ܘܐ ܙ ‪Z | Z vid‬‬ ‫‪Z | Z vid‬‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܕ ܘܩ ‪Z | Z vid‬‬ ‫ܪܘܢ ‪T corr | Z‬‬ ‫ܘܬܬ‬ ‫1‬ ‫*‬ ‫1‬ ‫*‬ ‫1‬ ‫*‬ ‫1‬ ‫*‬ ‫ܩ ‪corr | Z‬‬ ‫37‬ ‫‪Chapter 1A—Critical Edition of the Syriac Revelation of the Magi‬‬ ‫ܒ ܰ ܶܗ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫ܶܐ܇ ܕܗ ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܺ ـ ܳ ܐ: ܒ ܶ ܗ ܕ ܳ ܶ ܐ ܽ‬ ‫ܳܰ :‬ ‫݂ܶ ܰ ̇‬ ‫4:23‬ ‫̈ܰ‬ ‫ܗܝ ܰܕ ܰ ܒܐ ܽ ܽܘܢ ܓܒ ܳ ܐ ܰܘ ̈ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܴ̇‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫̈ܰ ܷܐ ܰܕ ܳ ܰ ܇ ܒ ܰ ܽ ܬܗ ܕ ܳ ܝ ܶ ܽ ܥ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܘܬ ݂ ܽ ܢ ܰ ܳ ـ ݂ ܐ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰܳ ܳ ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ̱ܬܐ ܰܘܒ ܽ ܗܪܗ ܶ ܳ ܳ ܐ ܘܪܒܐ ܰܘܕ ܳ ܒ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܰ ܳ‬ ‫ܰ ܒ ܐ. ܘܬܬ ܺ ـ ـ ܽ ܢ ܳ ܰ ܳ ܺ ݂ ܐ ܺ ܰܘܐ ܺ ܀‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܽ ̈ܪܒ ܰ ܽܘܢ܀‬ ‫ܓ ܽ ̈ܶ ܐ ܘ ܰ‬ ‫ܳ‬ ‫ܕ ܽ ܗܪܐ ܓ ܺ ܳ ܐ ܰܘܒ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܒ ܰ ܒ ܽ ܬܗ ܶ ܳ ܳ ܐ܇ ܒ ܳ ܶ‬ ‫ܗ‬ ‫ܶ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܘܒ ܳ ـ‬ ‫ܰ‬ ‫ܬ ܺ ܳܐ ܕ ܰ‬ ‫‪a‬‬ ‫‪Z1 | Z* vid‬‬ ‫ܕܗ‬ ‫47‬ Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi The Revelation of the Magi 1. Introductiona 1:1 About the revelation of the Magi, and about their coming to Jerusalem, and 1:2 about the gifts that they brought to Christ.b An account of the revelations and the visions, which the kings,c [sons of kings,d]e of the great Eastf spoke,g who were called The titles of the individual chapters are my own, and do not appear in the MS of the CZuq. Only two symbols in the text require comment. Square brackets [ ] indicate places where the reading of the MS has required emendation, either because of a lacunae or because of corruption. Parentheses ( ) indicate places where a word or words have been added in order to clarify the probable meaning of the text beyond a literal translation of the Syriac. b Because the compiler of the CZuq often introduces and concludes originally-independent documents with short descriptive statements, W. Witakowski is of the opinion that both 1:1 and 32:4 are the work of his hand: see his comments in Syriac Chronicle, 113-14, 152-54. Both statements, written in red ink in the MS, call attention to the gifts of the Magi, which are a relatively minor theme in the RevMagi (cf. note at 4:7), even if they figure prominently in the canonical account of Matt 2:1-12. Additionally, the use of “Christ” as a proper name is practically unknown in the first-person plural section of the RevMagi (but cf. note at 17:3), although it does function as a proper name beginning in 28:6 and throughout the Judas Thomas episode. c The association of the Magi with royalty began quite early in Christian exegesis. Tertullian (Marc. 3:13) remarks that in the East, the Magi are treated practically as kings. For Augustine in the fourth century, they are definitely kings, and their piety is contrasted against King Herod’s impiousness (Serm. 200). However, in the first-person plural section of the RevMagi, there is almost no mention of their royal status. The term “king” never appears in reference to the Magi; the only indication that the Magi are kings occurs at 18:5, where they remove their crowns and lay them at Christ’s feet in recognition of his kingdom. d Syriac terminology for hereditary kingship (cf. 2:4). e A piece of the MS containing two words has disappeared; Tullberg has conjectured the missing words as “sons of kings,” based on the presence of the phrase in 2:4. f The residence of the Magi here derives, unsurprisingly, from Matt 2:1. Throughout the RevMagi, however, it appears that “East” is not simply directional, but has the status of a specific nation with a corresponding ethnic group (cf. “Easterners” in 24:4). There are nine such usages of “East” in the RevMagi (in addition to three directional instances), though the name “Shir” (2:4 and corresponding note; 4:1) also appears in the RevMagi as the land of the Magi. It may be that the “great East” is understood in the RevMagi as a quite large country or region, of which Shir is the outermost district, as 2:4 seems to imply. g This statement reveals the RevMagi as a pseudepigraphon, stating that it was produced by the Magi themselves. No other Magi pseudepigrapha are known to exist from antiquity, and this is one of only a handful of cases where Christians produced “pagan” pseudepigrapha (see the discussion in chapter three, section III.C.). Note that narration in the first-person plural does not commence definitively until 3:6 (with a brief exception in 2:6, though there the “our” is ambiguous). This does not necessarily mean that 1:1-3:5 is a redactional section, since it includes a number of elements (e.g., the practice of silent prayer by the Magi; the “gift” of the Father as the means by which the worlds can know him) that figure importantly in the first-person plural portion of the RevMagi. For a fuller discussion of the apparent transition from third-person to first-person narration at the beginning of the RevMagi, see chapter three, section II.C.1. a 75 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi Magi in the language of that land because in silence, without a sound, they glorified and they prayed.a 1:3 And in silence and in the mind they glorified and prayed to the exalted and holy majesty of the Lord of life,b to the holy and glorious Father, who is hidden by the great brightness of himself and is more lofty and holy than all reasoning. 1:4 And the language of human beings is not able to speak about him as he is, except as According to the RevMagi, the word “Magi” is related etymologically to their practice of praying in silence, which the text mentions on several other occasions (cf. 1:3; 2:1; 3:8; 5:7, 11; 12:2). Yet, a verbal similarity between the words “Magi” and “silence” is not easy to find in any of the obvious languages of transmission (Syriac, Greek, or Latin). It may simply be an exoticizing device, and not an actual word derivation. The almost verbatim agreement of the RevMagi with the OIM at this point is striking, and suggests that the author of the OIM had not simply heard of this legend, but also had access to a written version of the RevMagi in Greek: “And they were called Magi in their language, because in silence and with a silent voice they glorified God.” In addition to the notes in this translation that cite parallels with the OIM, see also the more detailed analysis of the relationship between the RevMagi and the OIM in chapter two, section III.B. In a number of Syriac monastic writers, silence is a means for inducing ecstasy. Regarding this technique, S. Seppälä comments in his In Speechless Ecstasy: Expression and Interpretation of Mystical Experience in Classical Syriac and Sufi Literature (StudOr 98; Helsinki: Finnish Oriental Society, 2003): “Of all the external ‘methods’ of mortification described in Syriac literature, the one that is mentioned explicitly most frequently in relation with mystical experience, seems to be, perhaps unexpectedly, seclusion in silence and solitude (šelyâ)….The semantic field of šelyâ also includes a slight nuance of secrecy, which in turn is closely connected—and etymologically identical—with ‘mystical, ’” 63. Note that, unlike these monastic traditions, the RevMagi nowhere suggests that the silent praying of the Magi facilitates ecstatic experience. It has sometimes been thought that Zoroastrian priests prayed in silence, and J. Bidez and F. Cumont considered the testimony of the OIM to be evidence that the text knew of such a practice: see their Mages Hellénisés, 2: 119 n. 6. However, M. Boyce and F. Grenet dismiss this view: “...Zoroastrian priests never in fact pray silently. They have a form of nasal recitation, with closed lips, which they use respectfully for brief MP or colloquial utterances made between Av. prayers, which are themselves said aloud...; but this unobtrusive usage is not silent nor is it likely to have been noticed by outsiders,” Zoroastrianism, 452 n. 447. A hagiographical Syriac text, the Life of John of Tella, relates that the Magi frequently convey information to one another in silence by using hand gestures. However, this is not in the context of prayer, but rather interrogation of a prisoner; see Vitae virorum apud Monophysitas celeberrimorum (ed. E.W. Brooks; CSCO 7-8, SS ser.3, t.25; Paris: E ̈ Typographeo Reipublicae, 1907), 71 lines 10-14. The relevant portion reads: ‫ܓ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܘ ܐ‬ a ...‫ܒ ܪ ݂ ܐ‬ b ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܒ ܆ܕ‬ ‫ܡܕ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܕ ܕ ܢ‬ ̇ ‫ܕܐ ݂ ܘ ܕܒ‬ This title for God is used infrequently in Jewish and Christian literature (cf. 2 Macc 14:46). However, it does appear in Babylonian, Zoroastrian, and Hindu materials from antiquity. Though it is very difficult to prove that the author of RevMagi knew of its use in any of these written materials, the fact that it had a reasonably wide currency in non-Christian religious traditions may explain its use here. One of the major agendas of the author is the depiction of the Magi as a kind of quasi-pagan group that nevertheless distantly echoes Christian terminology and practice. For arguments that this portrayal of the Magi functions as a form of Christian apologetic, see chapter three, section III.C. 76 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi he has wished, and when he has wished, and by means of whom he wishes.a 1:5 And neither his heavenly worlds nor the lower onesb are able to speak about his majesty, except as it is fitting for the will of his majesty to reveal to the worlds so that they are able to partake from the giftc of his majesty, because itd is great and they are not able to speak of it.c 2. The Magi—Their Names and Lineage 2:1 And so, there were those wise men,e who were called Magi in the language of the land because in silence,f without a sound, they praised the God of all,g that one who, by his word and will, has come to be all that is, all that exists and arises, and all that is going to be. 2:2 And there is nothing that exists outside of his will,a and 2:3 furthermore, there is no one who will stand against the will of the Father of all. a The The emphasis on the ineffability of the Father may be complementary to the association in this text of the Magi and silent prayer: for an apophatic conception of the Deity, in which nothing meaningful can be expressed through spoken words, silence is perhaps the most appropriate means of glorification. b This is the first of several mentions in the RevMagi of multiple “worlds.” It may be an allusion to the various levels of heaven found in apocalyptic texts (cf. 2 Cor 12:2-3; Ascen. Isa. 7-10), but it may also have ties to speculation found in Hellenistic geographical writing about other terrestrial realms beyond the traditional inhabited world. For this latter speculation, including the concept of the “Antipodes” (another habitable world separated from the oikoumene by an ocean or other divider), see Edges, 124-140. c The “gift” is an important theological concept in the RevMagi, mentioned on multiple occasions throughout the RevMagi. In the abstract, it is the mechanism by which an unknowable God communicates with the inhabitants of the upper and lower worlds. In a concrete sense, it refers specifically to the revelatory activity of Christ. The Syriac term underlying this concept (‫ ) ܗܒ ܐ‬must be distinguished from the other term used for “gift” (‫ ) ܪܒ ܐ‬in the RevMagi, which refers to the presents brought to Christ by the Magi (Matt 2:11; see note at 4:7). The NT Peshitta, like the RevMagi, generally uses ‫ܗܒ ܐ‬ in the abstract sense, describing the “gift” of the Holy Spirit, Christ, or God (cf. John 4:10; Acts 2:38, 8:20, 10:45, 11:17; Rom 5:15, 16, 17; 2 Cor 9:15; Eph 3:7, 4:7; Heb 6:4; Jas 1:17). d Both appearances of the pronoun “it” in this clause are feminine, and their antecedent is somewhat ambiguous. They could refer to either “majesty” or “gift,” as both nouns are feminine. I consider them to refer to “majesty,” since the beginning of 1:5 states that the majesty of the Father is unspeakable. e While the description of the Magi as “wise men” is common in later Christian piety, it is not a very typical ancient description. Emphasis on the wisdom of the Magi arises, for the most part, at the time of the Renaissance: see M.A. Powell, Chasing the Eastern Star (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 2001), 168-171. f Cf. 1:2 and the corresponding note. g Another instance of a rare title for God (Sir 36:1; 50:22). Cf. note on “Lord of life” at 1:3. 77 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi names of the wise men and kings were called as follows:b Zaharwandad son of Artaban; Hōrmizd son of Sanatruq;c Auštazp son of Gudaphar;d Aršak son of Mihruq; Zarwand son of Wadwad; Arīhō son of Kosrau; Artahšišat son of Hawīlat; Aštanbōzan son of Šīšrawan; Mihruq son of Humam; Ahširaš son of Sahban; Cf. John 1:3. In the development of traditions about the Magi, the attribution of names to them is a relatively late exegetical development. The most familiar names in the West for the (three) Magi are Caspar, Melchior, and Balthazar, but these names only appear in the sixth century in the Excerpta Latina Barbari, a Latin translation of a Greek chronicle. For discussion of the western and eastern traditions of the Magi’s names, see B.M. Metzger, “Names for the Nameless in the New Testament,” in KYRIAKON: Festschrift Johannes Quasten (eds. P. Granfield and J.A. Jungmann; Münster: Aschendorff, 1970), 79-85. As for the names found in the RevMagi, I have incorporated without changes the spelling of the names as found in the Latin translation accompanying the most recent critical edition of the CZuq; see Chabot, 121: 45. As noted in Chabot, 91:57, several names in this list are corrupt (nonnulla corrupta sunt). The only Syriac text with vocalized forms of these names is Solomon of Basra’s Book of the Bee 39, though the spelling there is slightly different. See Bee, 84-85. Variations of this list of twelve names also appear in the works of Theodore bar Konai, Dionysius bar Salibi, Michael the Syrian, and Moshe bar Kepha. For the forms of the names in these Syriac sources, see the tables in Magi in Syriac 2007, 30-33; H. Kehrer, Drei Könige, 1:72-73. Witakowski also points out that these names are derived from the names of Persian and Babylonian kings and gods, see his Magi in Syriac 2007, 2. For the Iranian forms of these names and their historical contexts, see F. Justi, “Miscellen zur iranischen Namenkunde,” ZDMG 49 (1895): 681-691. The names play no further role in the RevMagi’s narrative beyond this single mention, and their presence in other Syriac sources strongly suggests that 2:3 is a later accretion to the RevMagi. The two earliest witnesses to this set of names, namely the CZuq and Theodore bar Konai, both securely date to the late eighth century. Since the CZuq comes from southeastern Turkey and Theodore lived at alWalit in central Arabia, it is very unlikely that one of these sources is dependent upon the other, and therefore probable that the set of names was already in wide circulation by the end of the eighth century. In a peculiar case of interrelation, the RevMagi has a list of the Magi numbering twelve, but nowhere explicitly says that there are twelve Magi, whereas the OIM does state that there were twelve Magi without giving a list of names. The information of the OIM is perhaps more archaic, and specific names may have only been given to the twelve Magi at a later time (but cf. 16:2 and accompanying note for a possibly earlier tradition of a larger, numerically unspecified membership for the ranks of the Magi). For further analysis of the relationship between the OIM and the RevMagi on this point, see chapter two, section III.B; for discussion of the tradition of the Magi as a large group, see chapter three, section III.B.2. c For discussion of this name in oriental Christian literature, see M. van Esbroeck, “Le roi Sanatrouk et l’apôtre Thaddée,” Revue des études arméniennes 9 (1972): 241-283. d The name “Gudaphar” is almost identical to “Gûdnaphar” (Gundaphorus), an Indian king in the Acts Thom. whom the apostle baptizes. Although King Gûdnaphar appears to have been a historical figure, it is unclear if he was indeed ruling at the time that the Apostle Thomas is supposed to have been in India—a very complex question in and of itself. For discussion of the evidence for the reign of Gûdnaphar, see L.P. van den Bosch, “India and the Apostolate of St. Thomas,” in The Apocryphal Acts of Thomas (ed. J.N. Bremmer; Brepols: Peeters, 2001), 125-148. Note, however, that there is no definitive evidence that the RevMagi knows the Acts Thom., despite the Judas Thomas episode at the end of the narrative. See the comparison of the Judas Thomas material with the Acts Thom. in chapter three, section II.D. b a 78 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi Nasardīh son of Baladan; Merōdak son of Bīl. 2:4 These are kings, sons of Eastern kings,a in the land of Shir,b which is the outer part of the entire East of the world inhabited by human beings, at the Ocean,c the great sea beyond the world, eastd of the land of Nod,e that place in which dwelt Adam, head and chief of all the families of the Cf. 1:2 and accompanying note. In contrast to the “land of the East,” the name “Shir” (Syr. ) is less common in the RevMagi, used only twice. However, it appears in a number of other ancient texts as a mysterious and faraway land, sometimes identified with China: see Josephus, Ant. 1.68-71; Bardaisan, Book of the Laws of Countries (ed. and trans. H.J.W. Drijvers, p.40-43); Strabo, Geogr. XI.11.1; Pliny, NH, VI.20.54. In the Nag Hammadi text Hyp. Arch. 92:10f, “Mount Shir” is the place where Noah’s ark comes to rest; more remotely, “Mount Nisir” is where the ark of Utnapishtim lands in the Epic of Gilgamesh. G. Reinink, Land ‘Seiris’, 72-85, argued that the Greek place name Seiri/j was originally taken from the ancient Chinese word for silk, the commodity through which Westerners would have first encountered the Chinese. For a more detailed discussion of how the representation of Shir and its Magi relate to other ancient geographical traditions of places and peoples on the edges of the inhabited world, see chapter five, section IV.B. It should be noted that the RevMagi is the only ancient Christian text that identifies the homeland of the Magi as Shir. The majority opinion of ancient commentators was that the Magi came from Persia, understanding the term ma/goi in its technical sense of Zoroastrian priests; cf. Clement of Alexandria (Strom. 1.15); Origen (Cels. 1.58-60); John Chrysostom, (Hom. Matt. 6.2). Most early Christian artistic representations of the Magi also imply this, depicting them in the typical Persian dress of a pointed “Phrygian cap,” belted tunic, and leggings; cf. especially the mosaics of S. Apollinare Nuovo in Ravenna, Sta. Maria Maggiore in Rome, and the wooden door detail of Sta. Sabina in Rome. A notable and early minority opinion regarding the homeland of the Magi is Arabia; cf. Justin Martyr (Dial. 78, 106); Tertullian (Marc. 3.13, Adv. Jud. 9). c The concept of a great world-ocean outside of the inhabited world had existed in antiquity at least as early as Homer. For a discussion of material related to Ocean, see Edges, 12-26. Cf. the nearly-identical location of the Magi in the OIM: “situated at the very beginning of the East near the Ocean.” d The precise geographical layout envisioned here is ambiguous; it is unclear whether the Ocean or Shir is east of the land of Nod. The most logical solution seems to be that that the Ocean is directly east of Shir, which is east of Nod. e Cf. Gen 4:16, though there it is the place of Cain’s exile. Nod is mentioned very little in extrabiblical literature, and in no other cases appears to be the dwelling place of Adam. For its symbolic interpretation as the opposite of Eden, see Philo, Post. 32. The closest parallels to its usage in the RevMagi are in another Syriac work, the Cave of Treasures, in which Nod appears variously as a forest, mountain(s), or country. See the recent critical edition, Caverne Ed. and the substantial accompanying commentary Caverne Comm. by Su-Min Ryi. One of these references (45.12, Caverne Ed., 366) is especially intriguing because of its connections with the Magi: ‫ܘ ܐܐ‬ ݂ ‫ܒ ܕ ܒ ܗܘܘ‬ b a ̇ .‫ܐ‬ custom that had been handed down by their fathers, the tradition, they departed the East, and went up to the mountains of Nod. And these are before the outskirts of the north. And they took from there gold, and myrrh, and frankincense.” The “tradition” that these Magi received in the Cave of Treasures comes not from Seth, however, but from Nimrod (cf. Gen 10:8-9). The similarities between the portrayal of the Magi in the RevMagi and the Cave of Treasures suggests a relationship, albeit distant, between the two works, though it is impossible to argue for the dependence of one upon the other. ̇ ‫̈ܪܝ ܕ. ܘܗ‬ ‫ܐܘ‬ ‫ܬܐ ݂ ܘ. ܘ ܒ ܗ‬ .‫ܐܒ ̈ ܘܢ‬ ̈ “And at once, according to the ‫ܓ ܒ ܐ. ܘ ݂ܒ ݂ ܬ ܕܗܒܐ ܘ ܪܐ ܘ ܒ‬ ‫ܕ‬ 79 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi world. 2:5 And these sons of kings received commandments, laws, and even books from 2:6 their fathers. And generation from generation, one by one, they received (them,)a from the time of Seth, the son of ourb father Adam, because Adam revealed (them)c to his son Seth when he had him.d 2:7 And Adam taught Seth about his prior greatness, before he transgressed against the commandment, and about his expulsion from Paradise.e And he warned his son Seth not to transgress also against the (divine)f justice as Adam (did).a Not present in Syriac. This is the first instance of “our” in the RevMagi. If this pronoun refers to the Magi, it is the first explicit evidence of narration in the first-person plural, which, at any rate, is unambiguous by 3:6. However, since Adam was just named in 2:4 as the father of all humanity, this first mention may only signify a general understanding of “our father.” c Not present in Syriac. d That is, “when Adam had Seth.” The idea that Adam had received foreknowledge of the future and transmitted it to later generations through Seth or some other means occurs in numerous Jewish and Christian noncanonical writings, including the T. Adam, the Life of Adam and Eve, the Apoc. Adam, and the Cave of Treasures. This exegetical development most likely derives from the incident of Adam eating from the Tree of Knowledge, which would have provided him with some sort of predictive ability. The earliest of these texts, the Life of Adam and Eve, was very likely a Jewish document originally: see the introduction and translation of this text by M.D. Johnson in OTP, 2:249-295. See the discussion of this topos by A.F.J. Klijn in Seth, 54-56. e Cf. Gen 3:23-24. f Not present in Syriac. b a 80 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi 3. The Transmission of the Mysteries 3:1 And Seth received the commandment of his father with a pure heart,b and he 3:2 took care of the agreement and the gift of the exalted Lord of majesty. And it was given to Seth to set down in a book and to make known the wisdom, and to call upon the name of the LORD,c the lord of every soul who seeks after life. 3:3 And from him a book appeared in the world for the first time,d which was set down in the name of the Exalted One. a 3:4 And Seth entrusted to his descendants the book that was set down, b ̇ ‫ܬܗܘܢ ܒ‬ ݂ ‫ܐܗ .ܕ ܪ‬ ̈ ‫ܒ‬ .‫̇ܐ ܗ ܢ ܘ ̈ ܘܢ ܘܒ ̈ ܘܢ‬ Not present in Syriac. Mention of Seth’s purity also appears in several other Jewish and Christian sources, and has implications for the character of his progeny. See Josephus, Ant. 1.68-69: “Sethos, after being nurtured and coming to the prime of life that is able to judge beautiful things, strove after virtue and, being himself excellent, left descendents who imitated these same virtues. All of these, being virtuous, lived in happiness in the same land without civil strife, with nothing unpleasant coming upon them until their death,” (trans. L.H. Feldman). See the commentary on this passage in L.H. Feldman, ed. Jewish Antiquities 1-4 (vol. 3 of Flavius Josephus: Translation and Commentary; ed. S. Mason; Leiden: Brill, 2000), ̈ ‫݂ܗܘ ܗܘܐ ܒ ܕܒ‬ 24. See also the Cave of Treasures 7.1-2 (Caverne Ed., 56): ‫. ܘܕܒ‬ ‫ܘ‬ “And Seth became the governor of the children of his people, and he ruled them in purity and holiness. And because of their purity and their holiness, they received this name, which is better than all names, being called ‘children of God,’ they and their wives and their sons.” c Cf. Gen 4:26 for the tradition that during the time of Seth and his son Enosh “people began to invoke ܳ , used only here in the RevMagi, is the form the name of the LORD.” The emphatic Syriac form ‫ܳ ܐ‬ d ̇ ‫ܕ ܬܗܘܢ ܘ‬ ‫̈ ܕ ܘܘܢ‬ ‫ܬܐ. ܘ‬ ‫̇ܘܢ‬ ‫ܬܐ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܢܒ‬ used in the Peshitta to translate the Hebrew tetragrammaton hwhy. Cf. Solomon of Basra, Book of the Bee 18: .‫ܕܐ‬ “Some say that in the days of Seth the knowledge of books went forth upon the earth; however, the Church does not receive this.” Since the Book of the Bee seems to demonstrate elsewhere awareness of the narrative of the RevMagi, its familiarity with this idea about Seth may also derive from the RevMagi. In privileging the role of Seth in written revelation, the RevMagi also has some general similarities with writings preserved in the Nag Hammadi corpus. For example, The Three Tablets of Seth is a work purporting to be the contents of heavenly tablets written by Seth and containing several hymns, witnessed in a vision by a certain “Dositheus.” Another text, The Holy Book of the Great Invisible Spirit, also claims to be the product of Seth and concludes with an account of its arrival on earth: “This is the book that the great Seth composed and which he placed in high mountains upon which the sun has never risen—nor can it. And from the beginning of their days, the name has never risen upon the hearts of the prophets, the apostles, or the heralds—nor could it; and their ears have not heard it,” Gnostic Scriptures, 119. Like these writings, the RevMagi does claim knowledge of Seth’s revelation in written form, though the content of this revelation clearly differs from both of these Nag Hammadi documents. For other Jewish and Christian traditions that link the invention of writing and/or books to Seth, see Klijn, Seth, 48-53. ‫݂̇ ܒ‬ ‫ܬܐ‬ ‫ܕ ̈ ܒܐ. ܒ ܡ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫̤ ݂ ̇ ̤ ܒܐܪ ܐ‬ ̈ ‫ܐ ̈ . ܕܒ‬ ̇ ‫ܘܐ‬ 81 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi and it was transmitted up to Noah, that one who was found just and was delivered from the waters.a 3:5 And [in the time of the Deluge,] Noah [took]b the books of commandments with him [in the Ark.c And when]d he came out of the Ark, Noah also commanded the generations after him, who recounted hise great deeds and the hidden mysteriesf that are written in the books of Seth about the majesty of the Father and all the mysteries. 3:6 And the [books,]g and the mysteries, and the speech were handed 3:7 down in succession by tradition even until ourh fathers. And they learned and received with joy, and handed them down to us ourselves, and we also kept with love and fear their mysteries of the books and the secrets and the words. 3:8 And we prayed in silence and gave thanks and glorified, bowing our knees and lifting our hands to the height of heaven,i to the Lord of that majesty that is hidden from the eyes of everything that lives.j Cf. Gen 7:1. A piece of the MS is missing for the words contained in these two brackets; I have followed the conjecture of Tullberg. c Cf. the Oxford MS of the Book of the Bee written in Garshuni, which remarks of the gifts the descendents of Seth handed down through the generations: “They were laid in the ark, and afterwards in the land of Persia,” Bee, 85, n.1. d MS damaged, Tullberg’s conjecture. e “His” would seem to refer to Noah, though what these deeds were is unclear. f This is the first instance of a phrase, “hidden mysteries,” that occurs on twenty-one separate occasions in the RevMagi. Roughly half of these times it appears in the title “Cave of Treasures of Hidden Mysteries” (4:1), and in this title and elsewhere it generally functions as the primary designation for the knowledge handed from Seth through the generations of Magi (but cf. 30:3, where it apparently refers to Christ). g The MS reads “book;” Tullberg has emended it to the plural. h Here narration in the first person plural first occurs unambiguously and continues until 28:4. i The praying posture of the Magi has analogues in ancient Jewish and Christian literature, even if it is not as well-known as the orans position or other postures. It is most commonly mentioned in the Hebrew Bible; cf. 1 Kings 8:54; 2 Chron 6:13; Ezra 9:5; Ps 68:31; Lam 3:41; 1 Tim 2:8. j Cf. 1:3 above. b a 82 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi 4. The Prophecy of the Star 4:1 And those books of hidden mysteries were placed on the Mountain of Victoriesa in the east of Shir, our country, in a cave, the Cave of Treasures of the Mysteries of the Life of Silence.b 4:2 And our fathers commanded us as they also received from their fathers, and they said to us:c “Wait for the light that shines forth to The “Mountain of Victories” is paralleled in the OIM, where it goes by a very similar name, “Victorious Mountain” (Mons Victorialis). The significance of the name “Mountain of Victories/Victorious Mountain” is difficult to interpret, and several scholars have sought to connect it with one of several mountains having connections with Zoroaster. E. Hertzfeld suggested that it referred to the Mount Ušidam of the Avesta, the modern Kuh-i Khwaja in the Drangiana region of Iran, the site where the Saoshyant, a prophesied descendant of Zoroaster, was to be born; see his Archaeological Iran, 61. U. Monneret de Villard preferred to identify it with Sabalan in Media Atropane; see his Leggende Orientali, 146. G. Widengren, Kulturbegegnung, 79-82, believed that the name “Shir” was a corruption of “Shiz,” and so proposed Takht-i Suleiman in Atropane. However, as unclear as the meaning of the title “Mountain of Victories” may be, these theories have little to commend to them. Holy mountains where theopanies take place are hardly a phenomenon exclusive to Zoroastrianism, and parallels to Jewish and Christian texts, such as Exod 24 and Mark 9:1-8, are perhaps more appropriate. The name “Mountain of Victories” also appears once in the Cave of Treasures (14.1, Caverne Ed., 104), wherein reside Methuselah, Lamech, and Noah, the only descendents of Seth to not migrate to the settlement of the sons of Cain. b The “Cave of Treasures” also appears, of course, in the Syriac writing of the same name as the place of Adam’s burial and as the repository of gifts which are brought by the Magi to Christ (Cave of Treasures 5.17; 6.22; 45.12). In the RevMagi, however, the primary importance of this cave is its housing of Seth’s books of revelation, though the gifts are also mentioned, albeit briefly. Its usual title in the RevMagi is the “Cave of Treasures of Hidden Mysteries,” but both here and in 4:2 contain variants. The presence of “and” instead of “of” in 4:2 is not especially problematic (it may be nothing more than a scribal error), but the phrase “the Mysteries of the Life of Silence” (‫ܐ‬ ‫ )ܕܐ̈ܪܙܐ ܕ ̈ ܐ ܕ‬is not at all clear. It would seem to relate to the Magi’s practice of silent prayer, yet the term “life of silence” is not found elsewhere in the RevMagi. c What follows is the prophecy of central importance for the descendents of Seth: the appearance of a star, and thus the manifestation of the Father’s Son. The prophecy, like the rest of the RevMagi prior to 28:6, never mentions the names “Jesus” or “Christ” (but cf. 17:3, 6 for use of “Christ/messiah” as a title instead of a proper name, and 1:1 for “Christ” as part of the title given to the RevMagi by the author of the CZuq), though allusions to Christian texts are frequent. This feature is part of the author’s agenda to only refer to Christian names and terminology in an opaque manner; see the discussion of this rhetorical strategy in chapter three, section III.C, and chapter five, section III.B. The idea that the Magi expect the star because of a prophecy going back to Seth is unparalleled in ancient Christian literature. According to Origen (Cels. 1.60; cf. also Hom. Num. 13.7; 18.4), the Magi were in the midst of magical practice when a luminous new star appeared and cause their spells to lose their efficacy, prompting them to consult the prophecy of Balaam their forefather from Num 24:17. In a pseudo-Eusebian composition, On the Star, the Magi have been closely following the prophecies of Balaam, since they have proven true in the past, and hence they immediately recognize the appearance of the star as the fulfillment of another of Balaam’s prophecies (see W. Wright’s translation in the Journal of Sacred Literature 10 (1867): 150-164. Virtually no scholarly work has been done on this apocryphon since its publication. I am grateful to J.F. Coakley for initially bringing this text to my attention.). Another pagan prophet who was thought to a 83 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi you from the exalted Easta of the majesty of the Father,b the light that shines forth from on high in the form of a starc over the Mountain of Victories and comes to rest upon a pillar of lightd within the Cave of Treasures [of]e Hidden Mysteries. 4:3 And also command your sons, and your sons their sons, until the mystery of the star that shines forth from the exalted majesty appears to your generations, a light like a star, and giving light to the entire creation and obscuring the light of the sun, moon, and stars, and not one of them is seen or is able to stand in the presence of its light.f 4:4 For it is the great mystery of the Son of the exalted majesty, who is the voice of the Father; the offspring of his hidden thought; the light of the ray of his glory; the will and image of his hiddenness;g 4:5the all-engendering Word of his thought; source of life never-failing from his spring;h the all-governing Word according to the will of the one who sent it;i an image that has no form or likeness among any things that exist. 4:6 This one, by have predicted the events surrounding the star was Zarathustra. (Arab.) Gos. Inf. 7:1 states that the Magi arrived in Jerusalem, “just as Zeradusht had predicted” (ANF 8, 406). Zarathustra also predicts the birth of Christ in a narrative preserved in Theodore bar Konai (see Magi in Syriac 2007, 17-18). a Cf. Matt 2:2. b The meaning of this phrase is unclear, and Chabot, 121:46, believes that the text is corrupt at this point. c The information that the Magi are to expect a “light…in the form of a star,” rather than simply a star, is significant, since the star is actually the pre-existent Christ. d The precise role and symbolism of this “pillar of light” in the narrative is unclear. While the RevMagi mentions the pillar upon which the star sits ten times, these mentions are always during the sequence when the star appears, descends from heaven, and stands before the mouth of a cave (either in Shir or Bethlehem). Thus, the pillar has no explicit role as a guide for the Magi during their journey; only the star is named at this point in the story. But it is difficult to understand the significance of this pillar without recourse to the Exodus narrative; indeed, the scribe responsible for the CZuq wrote “pillar of cloud” instead of “pillar of light” at a point late in the narrative (27:4). This is the only time this phrase appears in the RevMagi (elsewhere it is “pillar of light”), so it may be no more than a transmission error, but at the very least, it demonstrates a possible (if unintentional) intertext with Exodus. e The MS reads “and,” which seems to be an error by the copyist in place of the correct “of.” f Cf. 11:5-7 (and accompanying note at 11:5); 16:4. g Cf. Col 1:15. h Cf. John 4:14. i The phrase “who sent” (usually followed by me) appears twelve times in the RevMagi. This terminology is, of course, strongly connected to the theology of John’s Gospel, where it appears more than twenty 84 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi whose power and word all the worlds were set in order and established, is the Son of perfect mercy, is the ray of light of the glory of the Father of ineffable majesty. 4:7 Therefore, know that when this light from that majesty that has no end shines forth for you and will appear like a star to you so that you are able to see him: eagerly, with joy and love, and completely, with care, taking with you his own pure gifts,a which were put in the Cave of Treasures of Hidden Mysteries on the Mountain of Victories by your fathers,b go to where his light, the star, leads you. 4:8 And you will see a great and amazing sign, God appearing in the bodily form of a human being, unsightly,c poor, ̈ ‫ܢ ܐܕܡ‬ ‫ܐ ܢ ܓ ݂ ܐ ܘ ݂̇ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ ̇ ܓ ܐ ̈ . ܕ ݂ ̈ܪܒ ܐ ܕܐ‬ ̇ ‫ܐ ܕܕ‬ ‫ܢ. ܘܐ‬ . ‫ܐ ܢ‬ ‫ܕ ݂ ̇ܒ‬ ̤ ̇ ݂ ‫ܒ ܬ ܓ ̈ܐ. ܘܐܕܡ‬ .‫ܬܐ‬ ‫. ܘ ܐܬ ݂ ̇ ܒ݂ ̇ ̤ ܗܕܐ‬ ‫ܘ ݂̇ ܒ‬ times. For other theological and thematic links between the RevMagi and the Fourth Gospel, see chapter four, section IV. a Cf. Matt 2:11. While the RevMagi makes use of the possessive particle ‫ ܕ‬for a number of different purposes, this is the first of several instances where it accompanies the gifts that the Magi are to bring to Christ. The translation “his own” (rather than an intensifying “very”) presupposes that the gifts in some way have always belonged to Christ, but why this should be so is not made explicit in the text. This sense of the term is also preferred in the Latin translation of Chabot, 121:47 (ipsius). It is rather remarkable that the RevMagi nowhere clarifies precisely what these gifts are, even if it might be expected that they are none other than the familiar gold, frankincense, and myrrh. This lack of interest in the gifts is rather odd and represents one of several departures of the RevMagi from common trends in ancient Christian exegesis of the Magi story. Other noncanonical traditions have the Magi giving the child a wide array of gifts; cf. the Irish LB infancy narrative 92.3, where they give a purple stone, a pearl, a garland, a linen sheet, a royal staff, and “other gifts, the like or equal of which has not been found on earth,” Apocrypha Hiberniae, 358. In some traditions the Magi even receive a gift from Christ in turn; cf. in the (Arab.) Gos. Inf. 8:1-6 (ANF 8, 406), Christ gives them a band of cloth that does not burn in fire; in the Legend of Aphroditianus (ANF 6, 130) the Magi take back to Persia a picture of the child and mother painted by a servant; in a tale narrated to Marco Polo in Iran, a stone that produces holy fire (for description of this legend, see L. Olschki, “The Wise Men of the East in Oriental Traditions,” in Semitic and Oriental Studies: A Volume Presented to William Popper (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1951), 375-377. b Cf. Solomon of Basra, Book of the Bee, 34: ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ݂̄ “For some say that the offerings that the Magi brought and offered to our Lord had been placed in the Cave of Treasures by Adam; and Adam commanded Seth to hand them down from one to another until our Lord rose, and they brought (them), and offered (them) to him. And this is not received by the Church.” c The RevMagi also mentions the unsightliness of Christ’s physical appearance at 14:5 and 28:2. Cf. Acts Pet. 20, which describes Christ as “beautiful and ugly, young and old,” NTA, 2:304. The RevMagi and the Acts Pet. share an emphasis on the ability of Christ to shift his form between that of a luminous 85 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi imperfect, frail, lowly, even the sign of the cross appearing upon him. And you will go before him with love and joy, taking with you your gifts, and you will worship in the presence of the child, despised, poor, and killed.a 4:9 And you will offer him your gifts, and you shall receive from him the blessing of salvation and shall partake with him in the joy, which, when he comes with his hidden glory, with his perfect divinity, with his perfect riches that do not pass away, with his new world, with his light that [lacuna],b with perfect salvation, which he will give to all [lacuna].c 4:10Also, take care and command your sons. And if the coming of the light of the star does not happen in your days, also have your sons tell it to their sons, until the mysteries and revelations shall come to pass that are written about his coming.” 5. The Ritual of the Magi 5:1 And we received the laws and commandments from our fathers, and we taught all the mysteries, and we reminded our sons: “Perhaps in your days the coming of the light of this star will happen,d as we received and learned from our fathers.” 5:2 And we went up to the Mountain of Victories, and when we were all assembled at the foothills of the mountain from each one’s dwelling place, we remained in one place for divine being and an unsightly and humble human being. It is possible that these passages refer back to Isa 53:2. a Sic. It is unclear whether the passive participle of the verb “to kill” by itself is intended to have the valence of “mortal,” if it foreshadows Christ’s later death (cf. the “sign of the cross” in 4:8), or if some other meaning is intended for this difficult reading. Chabot, 121:47, suggests that it is a corruption of ‫“ , ܐ‬thin, frail.” b One word has vanished. Chabot, 121:47, restores the lacuna in his Latin translation with “is unfailing” (indeficiente), but does not explain how he arrived at this reading. c Six words have vanished, and thus it is uncertain if the first portion of 4:10 should be attached to the sentence before or after it. d Cf. the OIM: “And they did thus for each generation, always waiting, that by chance in their generation that star of blessing might appear.” 86 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi purification on the twenty-fifth daya of every month. 5:3 And we bathed in a certain spring that was on the foothills of the mountain,b and it is called “The Spring of Purification.” 5:4 And seven trees stood over it:c an olive, a vine, a myrtle, [a cypress,]d 5:5 an orange, a cedar, and a juniper.e And that mountain was altogether incomparably more beautiful and desirable than all the mountains in our land, and the smell of all sweet spices effused from it, and the dew that was sprinkled was a sweet smell.f when it became the first of the month,g we ascended and went to the top of the 5:6 And The commencing of the ritual on this date could suggest an allusion to the celebration of Christmas on December 25th, the date established by the Roman church in 337, to which some eastern Christian communities, in particular the Jerusalem church, were resistant until the fifth and sixth centuries, preferring the date of January 6th. Yet its occurrence every month complicates this supposition, even if it is difficult to understand the significance of the twenty-fifth apart from the date of Christmas. Furthermore, the RevMagi has the Magi arrive in Jerusalem during the month of April, “the month of flowers” (17:1), and since they go to Bethlehem very soon after and witness the birth of Jesus in a cave, this would suggest the date of his birth sometime in April (though “birth” is not necessarily the best terminology for a transformation from star into a luminous child). In any case, the mention of the twenty-fifth of the month cannot be reliably used to argue for a post-Constantinian dating of the firstperson section of the RevMagi. Regarding the date of Jesus’ birth in Syriac sources, see J.F. Coakley, “Typology and the Birthday of Christ on 6 January,” in V Symposium Syriacum, 1988, Katholieke Universiteit, Leuven, 29-31 août 1988 (ed. R. Lavenant; Rome: Pont. Institutum Studiorum Orientalium, 1990), 247-256. b While the RevMagi clearly understands the spring and its accompanying flora at the foothills of the mountain, the OIM apparently envisions a plurality of springs inside of the cave on the mountain: “having in it a certain cave in the rock, most pleasant, with fountains and choice trees, going up into which, and washing themselves” (italics mine). The fountains (fontibus) and trees (arboribus) are in the ablative case, which does not, by itself, explain whether they are on the mountain or within the cave specifically. However, the Magi then are said to ascend in quem and wash themselves; with the use of in plus the accusative case, this can only mean that the Magi went into the cave to wash themselves. c That is, over the spring (not the mountain), due to the presence of the feminine pronominal suffix. d The reading of the MS for this word is corrupt; I have followed the emendation of Tullberg. e This combination of trees occurring naturally within a single habitat is, from an ecological perspective, impossible, and thus is part of an idealized cultic landscape. The combination of a mountain, cave, spring, and sacred grove brings together some of the most characteristic features of sacred geography. See the discussion of the religious significance of such features in P. Horden and N. Purcell, The Corrupting Sea: A Study of Mediterranean History (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2000), 411-423. f In ancient Jewish and Christian writings, especially pleasing smells often signify divinity and/or moral goodness. Syriac Christian writings are particularly noteworthy for their emphasis on this sometimes overlooked sense. For analysis of early Christian attitudes toward smell, with special focus on Syriac literature, see S.A. Harvey, Scenting Salvation: Ancient Christianity and the Olfactory Imagination (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2006). g The RevMagi does not specify how much time has elapsed between the Magi’s purification on the twenty-fifth of the month and their ascent of the mountain on the first day of the next month. If it a 87 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi mountain and stood before the mouth of the Cave of Treasures of Hidden Mysteries. 5:7 And we knelt on our knees and stretched forth our hands to heaven, and we prayed and worshiped in silence, without a sound, to the Father of that heavenly majesty that is ineffable and infinite forever.a 5:8 On the third of the month we entered the cave in to the treasures, the treasures that were prepared as the star’s own [gifts]b and for the adoration of that light that we awaited. 5:9 And what we read and heard from the revelation, when we returned, descending in joy, we said to and instructed our sons, our families, and everyone who gave themselves with love to learn. 5:10 And if it should chance that one of us should pass away, we would raise up his son or one of the sons of his family [in his place,]c as when we succeeded our fathers,d until the time of the coming of the star has been fulfilled. 5:11 We also taught the people of that country, those who gave themselves to the love of revelation to learn with joy. And those who did not wish to learn and distanced themselves from help because they saw our quiet way of life, that we prayed in silence, [we] said our mysteries to them with honor.e follows a Roman calendar, the number of days in a given month would vary. Since this narrative is set in a semi-mythical country, however, it is very difficult to give precise durations for the different stages of the ritual. a Cf. 3:8. b The MS reads “gift;” however, because elsewhere in the RevMagi ‫ܪܒ ܐ‬ always occurs in the plural, I follow the emendation of Tullberg. c Instead of “in his place,” the MS reads “in his turning away,” (‫ܗ‬ ‫ )ܒ‬which scarcely makes sense. I have adopted the conjecture of Tullberg. d On this point cf. the OIM, which has a concept of a sub-circle of the Magi that does not appear in the RevMagi: “And so they selected from themselves twelve more learned ones and lovers of the celestial mysteries, and they set before them the expectation of that star. And if someone from them died, his son or one of his relatives who was found of the same inclination was set up in place of the dead one.” e The two sentences of 5:11 are quite difficult from a grammatical point of view; in the last clause, prior to “we,” I have omitted “and” in an attempt to render it intelligible. Tullberg has added by conjecture “we departed,” ( ‫ܗܘ‬ ‫ ) ܒ‬quite rightly observing that the sentence lacks an apodosis. I have decided against his emendation, but there are nevertheless significant problems on the level of content. A central difficulty concerns those people who reject the teaching of the Magi. The RevMagi never again discusses these dissenters (but cf. 28:1), and here only indicates that their rejection has to do with the 88 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi 6. An Excerpt from Seth’s Books of Revlation 6:1 Again,a from the books that were in the Cave of Treasures of Hidden Mysteries: every word that our father Adam, the beginning of our great lineage, spoke with his son Seth, whom he had after the death of Abel, whom his brother Cain killedb and over whom his father Adam mourned. 6:2 And Adam instructed Seth his son about [lacuna],c [and about the revelation]d of the light of the star and about its glory, because he [saw]e it in the Garden of Eden when it descended and came to rest over the Tree of Life; and it illuminated the entire (garden)f before Adam transgressed against the commandment of the Father of heavenly majesty. 6:3 And when he transgressed against the commandment that (the Father)g ordained for him, the sighth of the star was taken practice of silent prayer espoused by the Magi. Moreover, it uses a term, ‫ܬܐ‬ (translated as “quiet way of life,” also has the sense of “stillness, calmness”), that is not found elsewhere in the RevMagi. Silent prayer was rather uncommon in ancient religions and often viewed with some suspicion, but this is the only mention of it in the RevMagi that has a negative connotation. For a wider discussion of positive and negative valuations of this practice in antiquity, see P.W. van der Horst, “Silent Prayer in Antiquity,” Numen 41 (1994): 1-25, including the mention of the OIM on p.9. See also the note at 1:2 about the difficult problem of the link in this text between the name “Magi” and their practice of silent prayer. a The next four chapters are an excerpt from the books of revelation produced by Seth and entrusted to the Magi. Though this extended flashback might appear to derail the progression of the plot by breaking away from the Magi, it explains the ultimate origins of the Magi’s knowledge and details the first appearance of the star. In addition, since it occurs immediately after the description of the Magi’s monthly ritual and immediately prior to the appearance of the star during their ritual, it provides the impression of the passage of some time between the initiation of the present generation of Magi by their fathers and the fulfillment of the ancient prophecy. Nevertheless, it also contains a large amount of material that is, at best, only peripherally related to the content of the RevMagi. It is uncertain whether this “testament of Adam” was interpolated into a pre-existing form of the RevMagi, but it is likely some of the traditions in this section date much earlier than the RevMagi (as Reinink also believes, see Land ‘Seiris’, 76). b Cf. Gen 4:25. c Three words are missing. d This reading is the conjecture of Tullberg. e Only the present participle (“seeing”) is in the MS. Tullberg conjectures that the enclitic form of ‫ܗܘܐ‬ has dropped out. f Not present in Syriac. g Not present in Syriac. h Cf. 11:7 and 17:2, which indicate that the star was only visible to those who were deemed worthy to see it. 89 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi away from him, and (it was also taken away from him)a because of his expulsion from Paradise. And Adam our father mourned over (his)b foolishness, that he was humbled from his greatness. 6:4 And he strongly warned his son Seth, and he taught him to walk in righteousness so that he might find mercy before the Father of majesty. 7. The Fall of Adam 7:1 And he said to him: “My son, there will be generations and ages from me and from my offspring, and they will be recounting my foolishness and speaking figuratively with figures of speech to one another. 7:2 They are fulfilled about me,c and they will say: ‘Every kingdom that will be divided against itself shall not stand.’d This is fulfilled about me, because I doubtede about my kingdom in which I stood, and I, by my hands, destroyed it myself. thorn and it blinded my eye.g 7:3 My son, the rib that was removed from mef became a 7:4 I even prophesied when I saw her, and I said: ‘This time is bone and flesh from me.’h And rightly did I call her ‘time,’ because she became The final phrase of this sentence literally reads “and because of his expulsion from Paradise.” I have repeated the verb from the preceding clause in order to render it grammatically intelligible, though it is still not entirely coherent. The text may have already been corrupt by the time it reached the scribe; it would be quite intriguing if what was meant was that the star itself was the agent of Adam’s expulsion— namely the angel with the sword of fire from Gen 3:24—but such a meaning is entirely speculative. b Not present in Syriac. c Chabot believes that this phrase is corrupt. In any case, the referent of “they are fulfilled,” which is feminine in gender, is not clear. d Cf. Mark 3:24. e The English translation does not reflect that the triliteral root of the verbs “to be divided” and “to doubt” is the same. The substantive form of this verb, with its meaning alternating between “doubt” and “division,” is clearly a favorite of the author of the RevMagi, though it is not at all clear why this is the case. f Cf. Gen 2:21-22. g One would expect the plural “eyes,” which the MS may indeed contain, though the word is nearly illegible. However, the verb “to blind” has a feminine singular suffix, with which the singular form of the noun agrees. h Cf. Gen 2:23. a 90 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi a stumbling block for me.a 7:5 My son, guard from her the words of your mouth and do 7:6 not reveal to her all the mysteries of your heart.b For my compassionate masterc made her a helper for me,d for honor and glory, because he loved me like a beloved son.e 7:7 And I made her an injury for me and a destroyer of my footprints so that she cast me 7:8 out of Paradise, my kingdom. And I did not understand my honor, but I was puffed up in my heart by the advice of treachery that she gave to me, a cup of sound filledf with poison by the lie of the serpent. 8. Adam’s Ignorance of God’s Mercy 8:1 “And I did not understand my priority when I did not (yet)g exist, and when I did exist, in what sort of honor I was, nor my authority over the entire world, nor my love among the holy watchers,h nor my entire life inside Paradise, nor, more than everything, the mercy and kindness of my holy masteri who loved me and was merciful Similar to 1:2 and 2:1 above, the phrasing of this sentence seems to imply a play on words between “time” and “stumbling block.” However, as with the apparent connection between “Magi” and “silence,” it is not at all clear what similarity exists between these two words. b Though the term “mysteries” is frequently used with reference to the central ritual of the Magi, it is not clear whether this statement is a directive only to Seth and only with reference to Eve, or whether it is understood to prohibit more broadly women’s participation in the Magi’s activities. While those who constitute the Magi’s ranks are almost always gendered with masculine terms like “father” and “son,” the Magi also instruct their “families,” of which women are certainly a part. Still, the handing down of tradition through the lineage of the Magi is predicated on transmission from father to son, with the son taking the father’s place at his death, so the role of women is rather limited a priori. c The title ‫ ,ܪܒ‬used several times in this speech of Adam, is used in the Peshitta of John 20:16 to a ‫.ܪܒ‬ translate the Aramaic rabbouni, and also used in the Sinaitic Syriac of Mark 10:51 in place of Cf. Gen 2:18. The same word for “helper” is also used in the Peshitta version of this verse. e Cf. Mark 1:11. ̈ f Instead of the passive participle “filled,” ( ‫ )ܕ‬Chabot reads “words” ( ‫ .)ܕ‬However, the seyame is lacking in Tullberg, and it is impossible to translate the phrase as “of bitter words,” (verborum amarorum, Chabot, 121:49) since ‫ܪܐ‬ is a substantive. g Not present in Syriac. h It is not clear precisely from where the ideas about Adam having priority before he was created and about the watchers loving him derive. This may be a distant echo of the tradition, found in the Life of Adam and Eve 14:1-3, that God instructed the angels to worship Adam. i Cf. note on 7:6. d 91 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi to me like a kind father. 8:2 And when I transgressed against his commandment in my boldness, he did not judge me as a lord who holds a grudge, but as a kind father whose mercy is mixed with discipline. 8:3 For if he had judged me according to my foolishness, he would have destroyed me as vanity and made me as if I never existed. And who would stand up against him and say: ‘What are you doing?’a 8:4 But he disciplined me with mercy and did not judge me according to my foolishness, since, behold, my son, I saw the entire Creation, which is under my authority as before. 8:5 And my deceiver, the Evil One, wanted to humiliate me with his fraud and be liberated from under my authority. On the contrary, my kind master, in his mercy, put him under my feet that I would trample him,b having put fear upon me so that I would not obey his advice again. 8:6 And like a judge (in)c his justice, he shut his lying mouth and filled it with dust, and he tore off his feet so that he could not walk upon them, (and)d he separated him from every animal createde like him.f 8:7 And all these things happened to me, my son, and I was brought low from my majesty. The cause of all these evil things, Eve your mother, was a stumbling block for me. 8:8 But you, my son, guard yourself from her advice and do not obey her as I (did,)g but love and honor the Lord of life,a my kind master, and he will save you and have mercy upon you. Cf. Gen 4:10; Dan 4:35; Rom 9:20. Cf. Gen 3:15. c Literally, “of.” d Literally, “when.” e If one strictly follows the reading of the MS, the only intelligible reading is “every animal that is created (‫ ”.)ܕܒ ܐ‬However, it is possible that this reading has been corrupted from the feminine adjectival form b a ‫ܐ‬ f ‫ ,ܕܒ‬which would allow for the translation “every animal that is wild,” a rendering that would adhere closely to Gen 3:14. Cf. Gen 3:14; Isa 65:25; Mic 7:17; Rom 16:20. g Not present in Syriac. 92 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi 9. Adam’s Prediction of the End Times 9:1 “For there will be from my family and my children glorious and honorable people, (the reciters)b of the mysteries of the majesty. And they will find great mercy and will pray, ask, and be heard. 9:2And [lacuna]c of the majesty, but at the end times of that generation they will again be [rebelling,]d and they will not be afraid of my foolishness and of the judgment that I have.e Instead, they shall be headstrong and shall speak blasphemy unto the heavenly majesty. 9:3 And they will say many things,f and shall also make painted idols and graven images, and shall even serve the sun and the moon,g and they shall speak words of blasphemy. 9:4 And all these things that are Tullberg has apparently read this title as ‫ܐ ̇ ܱـ ܳ ܐ‬ (“living Lord”), though he has not rendered the appearance of these words at 1:3 in the same way. b Literally, “and the reciters.” I have removed the conjunction in the belief that the “glorious and venerable people” and “the reciters of the mysteries” are one and the same—the order of the Magi. c Three words have vanished. d The reading of the MS is illegible; I have followed the conjecture of Tullberg. e It is not clear whether these individuals whose decline in the last days Adam predicts in 9:2-6 are the human race generally, the lineage of the Magi specifically, or perhaps some other group. Those mentioned in 9:1 are almost certainly the Magi, making for an abrupt transition to the wider human race if one is intended (though the material of the lacuna could have made this more clear). But if the text means to imply that the Magi have fallen into apostasy, it is not suggested anywhere other than here. Like the people of Shir in 5:11 who oppose the teaching of the Magi, the RevMagi has little to say about the motives or identity of these antagonists. f The mention of blaspheming and “saying many things” stands in sharp contrast to the emphasis placed by the RevMagi on both the silent prayer of the Magi and the ineffability of the Father. g These criticisms of the veneration of heavenly bodies are especially interesting to find in a text so devoted to the Magi, since a chief concern of a number of ancient Christian exegetes regarding Matt 2:112 was the potential of this text to be read as demonstrating the efficacy of astrology. Beyond this passing comment, the overall depiction of the Magi in the RevMagi as less like a band of astrologers and more like a “flying saucer cult” (i.e., waiting for one pivotal otherworldly event, not continually interpreting the sky to discern the present and foretell the future) may very well address from a different angle some of these same concerns. For examples of this uneasiness, see: Tertullian (De idol. 9), in which he asserts that the Magi left behind the magical practice of astrology after their visit to Bethlehem, making meaning out of the phrase that they went home “by another way;” John Chrysostom, (Hom. on Matt. 6.1), where he laments that some Christians infer the acceptability of astrological practices from the Matthean story. a ܳ ܳ 93 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi among them from the deceits of my treacherous deceiver, because he will offer the lovea of his fraud and his deceit filled with poison to each of the generations that will be after me. 9:5 And he will [show]b and make them desire the empty praise of great riches, pride, clothes, property, fornication, boastfulness, injustice, greed, and various possessions. 9:6 And he will appear to them like a lover or a friend and entice them. And again, with reveling, drunkenness, impure and defiled feasts, which are an illusion [of his] empty [apparitions,]c and again, with possessions of assorted excesses, he will take hold of them with fraudulent affection, which is not virtuous,d just as also to me through Eve. 10. Adam’s Final Exhortation to Seth 10:1 “He led me astray by his fraudulent word like an innocent person concerned for my welfare: ‘See, I promise you something right and suitable for you, (namely)e that, when you have eaten from the tree, from which you were commanded not to eat, you read “of his life/salvation” (‫ .)ܕ ـ ܗܝ‬Neither reading is obviously preferable, so I have adhered to the reading of the MS as noted by Chabot. d Criticism of these sorts of acts of profligate living is quite widespread in ancient texts, so it is impossible to know whether these are directed at specific problems in a community or are simply stock phrases of moral exhortation. However, it is noteworthy that the RevMagi, unlike much early Syriac literature, does not have a strong ascetical agenda. The Magi do not engage in celibacy or other encratic practices, nor is such a lifestyle advocated by Judas Thomas at the end of the RevMagi, unlike his counterpart in Acts Thom. While it is possible that the absence of this concern in the first-person section of the RevMagi is one of several indicators that it originated in a non-Syriac context, the lack of any mention of celibacy in the Judas Thomas episode is more difficult to explain if it is presumed that this episode originated in a Syriac milieu. e Not present in Syriac. (“he will take hold,” which appears in 9:6), although he finds this reading but Chabot reads ‫ܕ‬ dubious. c The word “apparitions” derives from the apparent reading of the MS (‫ ,)ܕ ̈ ـ ܘܗܝ‬but Tullberg seems to This verse and the next two are very difficult to understand, and may be corrupt. In order to improve its intelligibility, I have emended ‫ܗ‬ ‫ ܕܒ‬by omitting the preposition ‫ ,ܒ‬allowing “his love” to be the object of the verb “he will offer.” b The reading of the MS is uncertain for this verb. Tullberg, whose reading I have adopted, reads ‫, ܐ‬ a ̈ 94 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi will become like your God,’a my merciful master. 10:2 I, wretch (that I was),b did not understand my honor, that his fraudulent promise could not come true, nor could the clay be like its potter,c nor the servant like his master.d But I know the great mercy of the majesty of my kind master, which is to be revealed for me at the end of days. 10:3 And at the end he will save me from destruction and raise me from the dust as he raised me up when I did not exist.e And my enemy rejoiced and exulted over me since I had fallen by his deceit. 10:4My kind savior and merciful master is going to sustain me and have pity upon me with his mercy, and [descending]f to the darkness,g he will strengthen me by his light and illuminates my eyes as he did before, (when)h he breathed the spirit into my nostrils and I lived.i 10:5 But you, my son, and your generations after you, it has pleased my maker and my savior that you should find mercy before him; for he does not reckon against you my own sins because of his kindness. 10:6 For if he had requited me according to my foolishness, I would not have begotten forth fruits,j nor would he have accepted the offering from your brother Abel,a a ̇ ‫ .)ܘܕ‬The presumed subject of this the conjecture of Tullberg, who reads it as a present participle ( participle would be Christ, who is also the subject of the preceding and subsequent clauses. g This statement refers to the tradition of Christ descending into Hell in the time between his death and resurrection, often called the “harrowing of Hell.” The specific intention in the RevMagi, to redeem Adam, is also referenced in a number of ancient Christian texts, but other incidents (such as the binding of the devil) find mention as well. The primary and secondary literature on this subject is too vast to treat adequately here; however, the tradition has its canonical origins in Eph 4:9 and 1 Pet 3:19-20, 4:6. It also appears in a wide variety of noncanonical texts, including Questions of Bartholomew 1:9, Ep. Apos. 27, Ascen. Isa. 4:19, Acts Thom. 156:2, and Apoc. Sedr. 1:21. h Literally, “and.” i Cf. Gen 2:7. j Cf. Gen 4:1-2. 95 Cf. Gen 3:5. The speaker of these words is, of course, the serpent. Not present in Syriac. c Cf. Isa 29:16; 45:9; 64:8; Jer 18:4-6. d Cf. John 13:16. e Cf. Gen 2:7. f ̇ ‫ ;)ܘܕ‬though this reading is quite intelligible, I have accepted The MS reads “I have descended” (‫ܬ‬ b Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi nor would he have exacted retribution for his blood from the hands of his brother who killed him.b 10:7 For he does not neglect in his great mercy anyone who loves him and walks in justice before him. Even to those who offend him, he gives opportunity for repentance, and is gracious to them if they repent and seek (it)c from him, because his mercy upon his world is great.” 10:8 And Seth heard everything that his father Adam commanded him, commandments more numerous than these, and wrote them down with diligence, and we found them in the books that were placed in the Cave of Treasures of Hidden Mysteries. 10:9 He also commanded and added to them.d And Seth purified his heart so that he would not obey the deceitful Evil One, and he praised and called upon the name of the Father of heavenly majesty.e 10:10 And Seth also commanded these mysteries to his sons. And we were reading (them)f every month that we went up the mountain, and with love we entered the Cave of Treasures of Hidden Mysteries. And we also learned them and taught our sons and families. 11. The Appearance of the Star to the Magi 11:1 Then, when the time and fulfillment of what was written in the books happened, concerning the revelation of the light of the hidden star, we were indeed thought worthy for it to come in our days and to receive it with joy, as we were commanded by our fathers and as we ourselves read in the books. 11:2 And each of us saw wondrous and diverse visions that were never before seen by us, but their mysteries Cf. Gen 4:4. Cf. Gen 4:10-12. c I.e., repentance. Not present in the Syriac. d This short sentence is rather awkward, as its subject is clearly distinct from the “we” of the previous clause, but is not specified further until the proper name “Seth” of the following clause. e Cf. Gen 4:26, also 3:2 above. f Not present in Syriac. b a 96 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi were in these books that we were reading.a 11:3 And each one came from his dwelling- place according to our ancient custom to ascend the Mountain of Victories [lacuna]b to wash in the Spring of Purification, as we were accustomed. 11:4 And we saw [lacuna]c in the form of an ineffable pillar of light descending and it came to rest above the water.d 11:5 And we were afraid and shook when we saw it. And we cannot speak about the brilliance of the star of light, since its radiance was many times greater than the sun, and the sun could not stand out before the light of its rays.e 11:6 And just like the moon looks in the daytime in the days of Nisan,f when the sun rises and it is absorbed in its It seems that 11:1-2 should not be read as a “real-time” description of the star’s appearance, the account of which begins in 11:3. Instead, these two verses likely function as summary statements to indicate that the star appeared during this generation of Magi’s time, and that the visions that they saw at the time of the star’s coming were predicted by the books of revelation. b Three words have vanished. Chabot, 91:66, conjectures the final word as (“to bathe, immerse”) on the basis of its appearance in 5:3, but this seems unlikely because of the presence of the similar verb ‫“( , ܐ‬to wash”) the third word following the lacuna. c One word has vanished. Chabot, 121: 52, suggests “light,” (lumen) but this is dubious given the same word’s appearance just three words away. Better conjectures are “something” or “(a thing) like” (cf. 12:4); in any case, the missing word is hardly crucial to the sense of the sentence. d In the MS, the word “water” is practically illegible; Tullberg is unable to read the word in question, and ̈ Chabot conjectured that the missing word was “mysteries,” (‫ )ܐܪܙܐ‬so that in his translation the column “was descending and standing above the mysteries” (descendebat et supra [mysteria] stabat), 121: 52. What this would mean is hardly clear, and under ultra-violet examination, the word in question is clearly ̈ “water.” (‫) ܐ‬ e Several other early Christian texts describe the Magi’s star as inordinately bright. The earliest such description is Ign. Eph. 19:2, where the star is brighter than all other stars, which form a circle around it (a)sth\r e0n ou0ranw|~ e0/lamyen u9pe\r ta/ntaj tou\j a0ste/raj, kai\ to\ fw~j au0tou= a0nekla/lhton h]n kai\ cenismo_n parei=xen h9 kaino/thj au0tou=. ta\ de\ loipa\ ta/nta a)/stra a(/ma h9li/w| kai\ selh/nh| xoro\j e0ge/neto tw~| a)ste/ri, au0to\j de\ h]n u(perba/llwn to\ fw~j au0tou= u(pe\r pa/nta:). For a detailed exposition of this passage, see W. a Schoedel, Ignatius of Antioch: A Commentary on the Letters of Ignatius of Antioch (ed. H. Koester; Philadelphia, Fortress, 1985), 87-94; see also the earlier work of H. Schlier, Religiongeschichtliche Untersuchungen zu den Ignatiusbriefen (Giessen: Töpelmann, 1929), 5-81. Somewhat later in the second century, in Prot. Jas. 21:8 the Magi describe the star as being so bright that it makes all other stars disappear (Ei)/domen a)ste/ra pammege/qh la/myanta e0n toi=j a)/stroij tou/toij kai\ a0mblu/nanta au)tou\j, w(/ste tou\j a0ste/raj mh\ fai/nesqai:). As noted below, however, there is no indication that this celestial phenomenon is invisible to everyone except the Magi. f The month of Nisan is equivalent to April, though it is rather odd to have such a culturally-specific reference in a text situated, for the most part, in a locale that is almost otherworldly. However, the phrase “in the days of Nisan” can also be translated idiomatically as “in springtime.” In either case, see the note directly below. 97 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi light,a so also did the sun seem to us when the star rose over us. 11:7 And the light of the star, which surpassed the sun, appeared to us ourselves and the sons of our mysteries,b but it did not appear to anyone else,c because they were removed from its mysteries and its coming. And we rejoiced, and glorified, and gave unmeasured thanks to the Father of heavenly majesty that it appeared in our days and we were thought worthy to see it. 12. The Star Descends to the Mountain of Victories 12:1 And when we bathed in the Spring of Purification with joy, and we ascended the Mountain of Victories as we were accustomed, and we went up and found that pillar of light in front of the cave, again a great fear came upon us. 12:2 And [we knelt]d upon our knees and we stretched out our hands according to our ancient custom, and we praised in silence the vision of its wonders. 12:3 And again, we saw that heaven had I.e., “the moon is absorbed in the light of the sun.” This statement is odd because it places the phenomenon of a faint daytime moon at a specific time of the year, namely Nisan/April (or possibly springtime). However, as is well known, the daytime moon is visible throughout the entire year, and not simply in April. The analogy itself, that the star is so bright that it makes the sun appear as faint as the daytime moon normally does, is quite clear, creative, and vivid, even if the reference to April is difficult to understand. I am grateful to Dr. Steven Spangler, astronomer at the University of Iowa, who confirmed for me that the daytime moon in April exhibits no distinctive features. b The phrase “the sons of our mysteries” (as opposed to “our sons” at 5:1) seems to indicate, along with 5:9, 11, that the order of the Magi does not perpetuate strictly through biological succession (as 5:10 might imply), but is open to “converts.” c The tradition that the star of the Magi was visible only to them is a definite minority position in ancient Christian exegesis. The language of the RevMagi at this point duplicates that of two closely related: the Irish LB infancy narrative and the Latin infancy gospel contained within the Arundel codex, from which the Irish tradition most certainly derives. The Latin reads: “For this thing beyond beauty [i.e., the star] appeared to us alone” (Hoc enim nobis solis super specie apparuit). The Irish: “Nobody saw it but we ourselves alone.” For the full Latin text of this infancy narrative and comments on the Magi pericope, see Latin Infancy, esp. xxiii, 88. For the Irish text, translation, and commentary, see Apocrypha Hiberniae, 362-368. A. Kehl appears to have been the first scholar to recognize a strong connection between the Arundel codex and the RevMagi, see his Stern der Magier, 69-80. Because the striking similarities between this infancy gospel and passages scattered throughout the RevMagi have received so little critical discussion, they are explored in chapter three, section III.B. d It is unclear whether the MS reads ‫( ܘܒ‬present participle) or ‫( ܘܒ‬perfect); I have read the latter, which is the reading of Tullberg. a 98 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi been openeda like a great gate and men of glory carrying the star of light upon their hands. And they descended and stoodb upon the pillar of light,c and the entire mountain was filled by its light, which cannot be uttered by the mouth of humanity. 12:4 And (something)d like the hand of a small person drew near in our eyes from the pillar and the star, at which we could not look, and it comforted us. And we saw the star enter the Cave of Treasures of Hidden Mysteries, and the cave shone beyond measure.e 12:5 And a humble and kind voice made itself heard by us, which called out and said to us: “Enter inside without doubt, in love, and see a great and amazing vision.” And we were encouraged and comforted by the message of the voice. 12:6 And we entered, being afraid, and we bowed our knees at the mouth of the cave because of the very abundance of the light. 12:7 And when we rose at its command, we lifted our eyes and saw that light, which is unspeakable by the mouth of human beings. 13. Epiphany in the Cave of Treasures 13:1 And when it had concentrated itself, it appeared to us in the bodily form of a small and humble human,f and he said to us: “Peace to you,a sons of my hidden Cf. John 1:51, Gen 28:12. The two verbs of this clause were originally written in the MS as third-person singular, but in a more recent hand they have been changed to third-person plural, a change seen frequently in this MS. It is possible that the original hand of the MS is correct, in which case the star would be the understood subject of both verbs. However, I have translated both verbs as third-person plural, understanding the “men of glory” of the previous sentence as the implied subjects of the verbs; since the previous sentence depicts the “men of glory” as carrying the star, it seems more logical that they would descend and stand upon the pillar of light. c Cf. 4:2 and corresponding note. d Not present in Syriac. e Cf. 20:1. f Cf. 4:8. See also the Latin infancy gospel of the Arundel codex: “But that light by little and little withdrawing into itself, made itself like to an infant, and in a moment it became an infant as infants are wont to be born” (Ipsa autem lux paulisper in se residens assimilauit se infanti et in continenti factus est infans ut solent infants nasci.), Latin Infancy, xxi, 68, 70; and also the Irish witness known as the Liber Flavus Fergusiorum 74.1, “A great silence came over me and I was filled with fear and terror seeing those b a 99 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi mysteries.”b And again, we were astonished by the vision, and he said to us: “Do not doubt the vision that you have seen, that there has appeared to you that ineffable light of the voice of the hidden Father of heavenly majesty. 13:2 And again, (do not doubt that)c it appeared to you to concentrate its light in its rays, or that it appeared to you in the form of a small, humble, and unworthy human, because indeed, the inhabitants of the world cannot bear to see the glory of the only Son of the Father of majesty,d unless it appeared for them in the form of their world. 13:3 And again, other signs shall appear in it,e which are hidden and (would be) shameful for the heavenly majesty, for the sake of the redemption of the lives of human beings, because my Father has loved them that they should not perishf by the error in which they have persisted. 13:4 And again, I will perfectg the love of the Father, even unto the death of a cross.h For the sake of their salvation I will descend to raise them up with me in love and indivisible peace if they shall believe in me without doubt, and give thanks, and glorify through me the Father of that glorious majesty who sent me for their salvation. 13:5 And I have loved them that they may not perish by the error in which they have persisted. And therefore, since I have appeared to them in the fullness of all the times,i they have no excusej for their offenses unless they repent and believe in me. 13:6 And also you, everything that you marvellous things, for the child was like a mass of light that human eyes could not gaze on. And he was not long like that till he assumed the shape and form of an infant,” Apocrypha Hiberniae, 244. a Cf. Luke 24:36; John 20:19, 21, 26. b Cf. 19:1; 21:2; 25:1; 31:1. c Not present in Syriac. d Cf. John 1:14. e Though not entirely clear, the “it” quite possibly refers back to “the world.” f Cf. John 3:16. g Cf. John 19:30. h Cf. Phil 2:8. i Cf. Gal 4:4. j Cf. Rom 1:20, 2:1. 100 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi were commanded by your fathers, and everything that you learned from the mysteries of the books that you have read, do, since behold, the hidden mysteries of the light of the star that you have been waiting to see, behold, he himself has (now)a told you about himself as you are able to hear. signs of many forms. 13:8 13:7 And you will believe without doubt, seeing in me And again, take with you the treasure that was deposited in this cave by your fathers and [continue in joy]b and worshipc the [lacuna]d I will be borne like a human being. 13:9 And again, worship me there [lacuna]:f even now, as I am speaking with you I am also there. Because my gospel has been proclaimed by angels,g I am both there and with the majesty of my Father.h 13:10 And I am everywhere,i because I am a ray of light whose light has shone in this world from the majesty of my Father, a b ‫“( ܘ‬and they showed joy”), while Chabot apparently follows the corrected reading of the CZuq, ‫ܒ ܘܬܐ‬ ‫“( ܘ‬and they continued in joy”). The notes of my consultation of the MS seem to agree with the reading of Chabot; however, since an imperative seems to be more preferable here than a third-person perfect, I have emended his reading slightly. c The reading of the MS (‫ ) ܘ ܓ ܘ‬can only be understood as a perfect third-person plural. However, 4:3 presents a case where a verb was not correctly rendered as a plural imperative, despite a later correcting hand that added a final waw (‫ܘ‬ instead of ‫ܕܘ‬ ). Since this sentence already contains one clear imperative and a second verb form that I have emended to read as an imperative (see note directly above), I have also emended this verb to read as an imperative (‫ .)ܘ ܓ ܕܘ‬Chabot, 121:54, has also apparently understood it as an imperative, translating it as “adorate.” d Three words have disappeared. e The MS apparently reads this verb as a third-person plural perfect (it is also possible to read it as a plural imperative, but the translation “be born!” makes little sense). Because the sentence ends with the phrase “like a human being,” the subject of this final clause would seem to be Christ. Therefore, I have emended the text to read as a first-person singular imperfect (though it could also be understood plausibly as a third-person singular perfect). f Four words have disappeared. g Cf. Gal 1:8; Rev 14:6; 1 Tim 3:16. h This idea that Christ can be both in the presence of the Father and on earth at the same time may be related to a variant reading in John 3:13 found in some Greek, Latin, and Syriac sources, which states that the Son of Man, who has ascended into and descended from heaven, is (currently) in heaven (o9 w)v & e0n tw|~ ou0ranw|). Regarding this variant, R.E. Brown notes, “The textual evidence is not strong, but the ~ phrase is so difficult that it may well have been omitted in the majority of manuscripts to avoid a difficulty,” The Gospel according to John (2 vols.; New York: Doubleday, 1966-1970), 1:133. i Cf. Col 3:11; Gos. Thom. 77. Not present in Syriac. For this phrase, Tullberg reads ‫ܘܬܐ‬ 101 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi who has sent me to fulfill everything that was spoken about me in the entire world and in every land by unspeakable mysteries,a and to accomplish the commandment of my glorious Father, who by the prophets preached about me to the contentious house,b in the same way as for you, as befits your faith, it was revealed to you about me.c 13:11 And I am going up with you and am a guide for you on the entire journey that you are traveling, seeing signs, glorious wonders, and great victories upon the entire earth. And you will see the completion of all the mysteries in Jerusalem, and everything that was spoken with you will come true for you. 13:12 And again, you will see signs of humility, even a lowly and weak form, such that people will act boldly against me, and they will desire to do that which they plotted in deceit against me, and they will not be able to have [their goal]d take place. 13:13 But all that they do will be for their killing and their destruction,a and the will of the Father shall be fulfilled for the sake of the salvation of the life of the whole world.” 14. The Magi Realize Christ’s Polymorphy 14:1 And when he spoke all these things with us, along with a great many that we cannot say because of the great riches of their majesty, all of us went out of the cave, exulting and rejoicing that we were thought worthy for all these mysteries of that This sentence contains an intriguing theological concept: that Christ is the underlying reality of all systems of religious belief in the world. Although other early Christian writings admit the possibility of revelation through non-Christian channels (e.g., Acts 14:15-17, 17:22-31), the RevMagi demonstrates a novel “theology of world religions,” the precise form of which is found nowhere else, to my knowledge, in ancient Christian sources. See the discussion of this theology in chapter five, section III. b Cf. Ezek 3:9. c Cf. Gos. Phil. 26a. d The reading of the MS appears to be “their rest” (‫ .) ـ ܘܢ‬Chabot, 91: 69, views this as insufficiently elegant (parum nitida), and suggests that the MS actually reads “their goal” (‫ܘܢ‬ adopted. a ‫ـ‬ ), which I have 102 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi unspeakable majesty to be revealed around us and spoken with us. 14:2 And we took that entire treasure that was deposited in the cave, letters having been sealed in which it was placed.b And we descended from the mountain, glorifying the mysteries of the revelations of the light of the star that appeared to us. 14:3 And each of us was speaking about the revelations and visions that had appeared to him in the Cave of Treasures of Hidden Mysteries, but our visions did not resemble each other, and all the wonders of many forms that appeared to us.c 14:4 There is one of us saying, “I saw a light in which there were many images that were amazing.” And there is one saying, “I saw an infant The idea that those involved in the killing of Christ have come to an evil end appears in numerous early Christian writings (e.g., 1 Thess 2:15, Matt 27:25). b The final phrase of this sentence is rather difficult to understand. It may mean that there were letters that the Magi were only to open at the time of the star’s coming, giving specific instructions for the gifts to be brought. However, the more likely sense is that the gifts, whatever they were, were housed in some kind of sealed container(s), here called “letters.” This is the probable meaning, based upon the statement in 18:7 that the Magi had brought their treasures to Bethlehem “sealed.” c The series of statements that follow demonstrate Christ’s polymorphous ability, a tradition that appears in a number of other ancient Christian texts. This concept seems to derive from the account of Jesus’ transfiguration (Mark 9:2-8), but undergoes considerable development in the second and third century, where it appears in the Acts John 88-94, the Acts Thom. 143, and the Acts Pet. 20-21. For an evaluation of these later traditions, see D.R. Cartlidge, “Transfigurations of Metamorphosis Traditions in the Acts of John, Thomas, and Peter,” Semeia 38 (1986): 53-66; see also E. Junod, “Polymorphie du Dieu saveur,” in Gnosticisme et monde hellénistique (eds. J. Ries et al.; Louvain: Université catholique de Louvain, 1982), 3846. In some traditions about the Magi, including the (Arm.) Inf. Gos. and a legend told to Marco Polo in Iran in the twelfth century, Jesus appeared to each of the three Magi in correspondence to their ages: young, middle-aged, and old. J. Duchesne-Guillemin, in his evaluation of this material, argues that its ultimate origin lies in the tripartite representation of Aion, the Greek god of time: see his “Jesus’ Trimorphism and the Differentiation of the Magi,” in Man and His Salvation: Studies in Memory of S.G.F. Brandon (eds. E.J. Sharpe and J.R. Hinnells; Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1973), 91-98. In Arundel, the infant Jesus changes his form as the shepherds are viewing him: “We saw the boy-child of God, full of grace. And we were adoring his secret mysteries. And that one, looking at us, laughed in a most merry way through many likenesses, his appearance always changing. For at first he showed himself to us that he was very merry, then he was stern and fearful, then he was very sweet and humane, again in truth tiny and great. And suddenly when he opened his eyes, from his eyes there was a great light, and from his mouth went out the sweetest odor” (Vidimus puerum Dei gracia plenum. Nos autem adorabamus archanum eius. Ipse autem respiciens nos risit iocundissime per effigies multas, semper species mutans. Primum enim ostendit se nobis quod sit iocundissimus, quod sit austerus et timendus, sit etiam suauissimus et humanus, iterum uero pusillus et magnus. Et subito cum aperuisset oculos, ex oculis illius lux magna, et de ore eius exiit odor suauissimus.), Latin Infancy, 78. A unique aspect of the polymorphic vision in the RevMagi, not seen in other texts, is that its individual pieces in sequence tell the story of Christ’s birth, growth, and death, culminating with his descent into Sheol and his heavenly ascent. This series of statements also has an intratextual parallel with the statements of the inhabitants of Shir in 28:1-3. a 103 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi who had unspeakable forms.” 14:5 And there is one saying, “I saw a youth who did not have a form in this world.” And there is one saying, “I saw a human being who was humble, unsightly in appearance,a and poor.” 14:6 And there is one saying, “I saw a cross and a person of light who hung upon it, taking away the sins of the entire world.”b And there is one saying, “I saw that he went down to Sheol with force and all the dead rose and worshiped him.”c 14:7 And there is one saying, “I saw that he ascended in glory, and he opened the graves, and he raised up the dead, while they are crying out and saying: ‘Holy is our king and holy is his descent to us! Because of our sins he humbled himself to save us.’” 14:8 And there is one saying, “I saw him ascending to the heavenly height, and angels opening the gatesd of heaven before him. And clouds of seraphse and angels are taking him upon the palms of their hands,f and the Paraclete Spiritg taking a diadem and a crown and making victory shineh before him, and all the hosts praising and singing the honor of his humility, which prevailed in the whole struggle of error and death.” 14:9 And when all these things and others like them, of which there were many, (happened,)i while descending the Mountain of Victories, we gave praise and repeated to each other everything that we saw and heard there. 14:10 And we were in great rejoicing and great exultation that we were thought worthy to see this complete gift of salvation for which all the kings, and righteous ones, and prophets, and powerful a Regarding Christ’s ugliness, see note at 4:8. Cf. John 1:29. c Cf. 10:4 and corresponding note. d Cf. 12:3; Ps 24:7. e Tullberg reads “and seraphs.” I have adopted the reading of Chabot. f Cf. Ps 91:12. g Cf. John 14:16, 26, 15:26, 16:7; 1 John 2:1. h The meaning of this phrase is not at all clear, and it is perhaps corrupt. i Not present in Syriac. b 104 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi ones prayed, and hoped, and waited, that they might see this sight. But they did not see ita because it was not then the time of the coming of the star of light, giving perfect salvation to its believers. 15. The Father Speaks to the Magi 15:1 And while we were praising these things, suddenly a voice with much lightb and with unspeakable kindness came to our ears from the heavenly height of majesty, saying to us: “Everything that you have seen, and heard, and discussed, and had spoken to you, and (at which) behold, you are amazed, is (only)c one drop of salvation from the house of [majesty.]d 15:2 For there is no one who can know all the mysteries of singleness except the one who is issued from the thought of the hiddenness of the Father. And no one knows the Father excepte the voice bringing forth the word of salvation, revealing the depth of hiddenness of the thought of the Father, in whom he is forever.f 15:3 And by the (same)g voice and word the heavenly worlds and the lower ones of the Father of majesty came into being and were ordered:a the angels, and powers, and princes, and authorities, even this world in which you exist, and the height, Cf. Matt 13:17; Luke 10:24. Cf. Acts 9:3, 22:6, 26:13. c Not present in Syriac. d After “majesty,” the MS reads “and it was said to you.” (‫ܢ‬ ‫ )ܘܐܬ‬Presumably this is case of dittography, wherein the scribe repeated the phrase found in 15:1; I have thus followed the emendation of Tullberg in omitting it. e Cf. Matt 11:27; Luke 10:22. f Cf. John 1:18, 10:38. This verse of the RevMagi uses several terms – “singleness,” “thought,” “voice” – that are relatively rare in early Christian literature and have their closest parallels in writings from Nag Hammadi (see also the frequent references to “error” at 13:3,5; 14:8; 17:9; 18:1; 21:9,10; 30:4; 32:2). Widengren, Kulturbegegnung, 73-79, considered the RevMagi to be a “Gnostic” text; despite this strange terminology, however, the RevMagi lacks any traces of the most common doctrines found in the Nag Hammadi literature, such as a negative evaluation of the material world or a evil creator (cf. 21:9). For arguments against viewing “Gnosticism” as a monolithic religious system, see K.L. King, What is Gnosticism? (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2003), passim. g Not present in Syriac. b a 105 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi and depth, and length, and width.b 15:4 And there is otherwise nothing that exists outside the will of the Father of majestyc or that has come to be without the voice of life. For this is my beloved Son,d being sent of perfect love. This is the revealer of the secrets of the Father for his beloved ones, as it is fitting for them and as they can receive by his gifte of the Son. 15:5 This is he who has told of new and perfect worlds for those who are persuaded and believe in him. This is the interpreter of wisdom and hidden mysteries. This is he who is the image and form of the Father of majesty,f by whom he is always heard. 15:6 This is the only begotten Son,g perfecting all the will of his Father. This is the one who is not loved and honored as he deserves, because that world loves the darkness and its desires more than him.h 15:7 This is the one who was humbled and became a human being for the salvation of human beings so that they would not perish. He put on, by his will, a body,i a humble form, that with it he might slay death and take away the dominion of death, to give eternal life to those who love him and believe in him. 15:8 This is the one in whose name signs and portents take place through his believers.j This is the perfect Son, doing the will of he who sent him. This one is the wayk and the gatel of light for those who enter by it. 15:9 This is the one Cf. John 1:3. Cf. Rom 8:38-39; Col 1:16. c Cf. 2:2. d Cf. Mark 1:11; 9:7. e Cf. 1:5. f Cf. Col 1:15. g Cf. John 1:14, 18, 3:16, 18; 1 John 4:9. h Cf. John 3:19. i In the Syriac tradition, the terminology of “putting on a body” is a very typical description of the Incarnation. See the full discussion of this topos in R.P.R. Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom: A Study in Early Syriac Tradition (rev. and enl. ed.; Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2004), 69-94. j Cf. Mark 16:17. k Cf. John 14:6. l Cf. John 10:9. b a 106 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi who is in everything and is named and spoken of above all.a This is the bread of life that comes down from meb for believers; he is the sower of the word of lifec and he is the shepherd of truth who gives himself as ransom for his flock.d He is the great prieste who by his blood absolves the worlds; he is a drinkf of the vineg of life. 15:10 This is the one that you saw who is in many forms that appeared to you, but is not deprived of either my love or the person of his glory. And no one exists over him or over his majesty to speak of how he is, except I, and I and he, we are one in unspeakable glory.” 16. The Miraculous Journey 16:1 And when all these things and many others were spoken about the revelation that appeared to us, the star was with us in (its) all excellent forms so we could see it. And we spoke about it like frail human beings, not being able to say anything that we saw. 16:2 And we got ready with our whole encampment,h and with our provisions, and with the pure and holy gifts, those that we brought out of the Cave of Treasures of Cf. Phil 2:9. Cf. John 6:35, 48, 51. Also note that the pronoun “me” provides the first indication of who is speaking this discourse: the Father himself, as will become completely clear with the final words of the passage in 15:10. c Cf. Mark 4:14. d Cf. John 10:11. e Cf. Heb 4:14. f Cf. John 6:55. g Cf. John 15:1, 5. h The use of ‫ܐ‬ (“encampment”) here and at several places in the rest of the narrative is peculiar, since it does not suggest a relatively small group of travelers. It is employed in the Peshitta to translate the Greek parembolh\, a word used in the NT almost exclusively for large assemblies of people (e.g., Acts 21:34; Heb 11:34, 13:11). Because of this typical usage, this terminology in the RevMagi may reflect a more archaic belief that the group of the Magi numbered more than twelve (cf. the list of names in 2:3, which is possibly an independent accretion grafted on to the RevMagi). If this is indeed the case, then this would be another similarity between the RevMagi and the Latin/Irish infancy gospel tradition (cf. note at 11:10). For the Latin manuscript tradition, Arundel calls them “a band of wayfarers,” (turbam viatorum) while Hereford says “no small band of mounted wayfarers” (non modicum turbam…viatorum equitum), Latin Infancy, 80-81. On the Irish side, the LB infancy narrative says “a large group of people,” Apocrypha Hiberniae, 342, and the ninth century commentator Sedulius Scottus, attributing the b a 107 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi Hidden Mysteries, in which they were [deposited]a previously by our fathers, and we went forth in great joy, our hearts exulting to come to the place that was commanded to us, to worship the vision of the star of infinite light. 16:3 And the star, our guide, our good messenger, our perfect light, our glorious leader, again appeared for us, going before usb and upholdingc our whole caravan from all sides, and enlightening us by its hidden light. 16:4 And we had no need of the light of the sun or of the moon,d because their light became diminished in its sight, and by night and by day we walked in its light, exulting and rejoicing without distress or weariness.e 16:5 And it prepared before us a blessed dwelling-place in which to reside while we rested and exulted. Even our provisions were abundant in our eyes and did not decrease, but rather from one day to another they increased when itf came to rest over us with its light.g 16:6 And it gave rest to us from all our fatigue as if we were not journeying on the road, and it made narrative to a Gospel “According to the Hebrews,” (secundum ebreos) has “a band of wayfarers,” (turbam viatorum) Apocrypha Hiberniae, 121. a A small piece of the MS is missing; I have followed the conjecture of Tullberg for its restoration. b Similar to the phrasing of the first half of this verse is the Irish LB infancy narrative: “Our Leader and Lord has gone before us,” Apocrypha Hiberniae, 348. c The ambiguity of this verb does not indicate whether the group of the Magi is being upheld in the sense of “being sustained” or actually “carried” off the ground. Evidence for both interpretations appears in 16:6, as the Magi are relieved of their fatigue and cross rivers by foot. d Cf. Isa 60:19; Rev 21:23, 22:5. e A reference to the lack of fatigue experienced by the Magi also occurs in the Irish LB (though not in Arundel or Hereford), where Joseph comments: “Well do they travel…and they are not tired though they come from afar,” Apocrypha Hiberniae, 348. It is also possible that this passage from the RevMagi alludes to Isa 40:31. f I.e., the star. g Cf. 26:5, 27:9. This food that is generated by the star will later figure prominently in the conversion of the people of Shir, since it produces visions of Christ for those who eat it (28:1-4). While the multiplication of food has some parallels in early Christian literature (cf. Mark 6:32-44, 8:10; John 6:5-13; Inf. Gos. Thom. 12), the ability of food to facilitate visionary experience is far more unusual. Several similar concepts are the eating of a scroll as a sign of prophetic commission in Ezek 2:8-3:3 and Rev 10:810 and the eating of a heavenly honeycomb by Aseneth as a kind of proto-eucharist in Jos. Asen. 16; but even in these cases, there is no indication that what is ingested produces visionary experience. 108 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi mountains, and hills, and rugged places level before us.a Even the rivers before us we crossed by foot without fear, because of the light of our good guide that went along with us for our encampment. And again, when we crossed into the places [of beasts and vicious snakes,]b we trampled them with our feet.c 16:7 And our leader and our guide, in his glory, appeared to each one of us in all forms and appearances in every (stage.)d And he filled our hearts with great joy, and all the (stages)e in which we journeyed were short and swift in our eyes, because our victorious sign and our powerful light, which is beyond every human mouth to speak, guided us with its victorious strength. 17. The Magi in Jerusalem 17:1 And when we arrived in the region of Jerusalem, in the month of flowers,f 17:2 our good emissary led and brought us inside Jerusalem. And its nobles and rulers were disturbed and troubled,a and they asked us: “On account of what cause have you come here? Perhaps because of the mysteries of your magianism?” because they saw us looking up at heaven, and worshiping our sign, and praying to our guide, because they a ̈ ‫ ;)ܘ̈ܪ ܘܬܐ ܒ‬Tullberg emends to “and evil spirits” (‫,)ܘ̈ܪܘ ܐ ܒ ̈ ܐ‬ ̈ whereas Chabot emends to “of evil snakes” (‫ .)ܘܕ ̈ ܘܬܐ ܒ ܐ‬I have adopted the emendation of Chabot, b Cf. Isa 40:4. The MS is corrupt here (‫ܐ‬ for not only is it a less radical conjecture than that of Tullberg (simply a shifting of points, as opposed to changing several letters), but the image of the Magi trampling snakes under their feet echoes several scriptural passages (see the subsequent note). c Cf. Gen 3:15; Ps 91:13; Luke 10:19; Rom 16:20. d Literally, “dwelling-places.” While this is the same word used in 16:5 for the habitation provided for the Magi by the star, here (and also at 27:1) the context seems to require a different meaning to be intelligible. e See previous note. f That is, in April (Nisan, cf. 11:6). Clement of Alexandria also knows of Christians who state that Jesus was born in April (24-25 Pharmuti, equivalent to April 20-21), see Strom. 1.21. The information that the ̈ Magi arrived in “the month of flowers” (‫ܐ ܕܗܒܒܐ‬ ‫ )ܒ‬also appears in Theodore bar Konai, mimra 109 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi did not understand our mysteries and they reckoned us as magi.b 17:3 And we said to them: “We saw a sign of heavenly majesty in our land, as we were instructed by our fathers, that a king, and a messiah,c and a life-giver, and a savior who gives himself to death for the sake of the entire world has been born here. 17:4 And we have come because we saw all his signs and the forms of his hidden divinity in the appearance of a human clothed with a body.d And we came, rejoicing with our pure gifts, which were deposited by our fathers in the Cave of Treasures of Hidden Mysteries on the Mountain of Victories. 17:5 And he commanded us in a great vision to come to this land VII.17. Because this tradition is quite uncommon, it is very likely that Theodore was acquainted with the RevMagi. a Cf. Matt 2:3. b This statement by the inhabitants of Jerusalem and the explanatory comments of the Magi that follow are noteworthy on several levels. First of all, there is again a striking parallel within the Irish/Latin tradition regarding the behavior of the Magi. The Irish LB reads: “I think...that they are practicing druidic soothsaying and divining, for they do not take a single step forward without looking up, and they are arguing and discussing amongst themselves,” (spoken by Joseph, who, like these individuals, does not see the star) Apocrypha Hiberniae, 344. In the Latin tradition, Arundel reads, “It seems to me that those coming are (astrologers). For behold, they all do not cease for a moment looking up and disputing among themselves” (Videntur mihi isti qui veniunt agnos (augeres) esse. Ecce enim omni non cessant momento respiciunt et inter se disputant.), while Hereford reads “It seems to me that there are some astrologers among them. For behold, they are always looking up, and are disputing thereafter” (uidentur enim mihi inter eos quidam augures esse. Ecce enim omni hora in celum aspiciunt, indeque disputantes sunt), Latin Infancy, 82-83. Beyond this, however, there is a more problematic issue. The use of the term “magianism” (‫ܬܐ‬ ‫ ) ܓ‬occurs only here in the RevMagi; their religious system is elsewhere called “mysteries” (‫,)ܐ̈ܪܙܐ‬ ), or “faith” (‫ܬܐ‬ ‫ .)ܗ‬Moreover, this is also the only instance of the word “magi” “custom” (‫ܐ‬ within the first-person plural narration that makes up the bulk of the document, and its connation is apparently negative. Because the inhabitants of Jerusalem refer to the actions of the visitors as “magianism,” do not understand the mysteries of these visitors, and reckon these visitors to be magi, the entire implication of this passage is that these visitors are not who the inhabitants of Jerusalem think they are, and are not magi—a difficult conclusion given that the central figures of the narrative are obviously the Magi. Perhaps a solution lies in the earlier statements that the Magi are called by this name because of their silent prayer (1:2; 2:1), which may be intended in part to differentiate these figures from the more common connotation of magi as astrologers. It is possible that this portion of the firstperson narrative derives from a separate source, but I am hesitant to suggest new sources without more compelling evidence supporting such a supposition (as in the case of the Judas Thomas material). c While ‫ـ ܐ‬ is used most commonly for the name “Christ” elsewhere in Syriac literature, here in the context of other salvific titles the translation “messiah” seems more appropriate. d Cf. 15:7 and accompanying note. 110 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi to worship him in reverence, because he has worshipers in every country.a He becomes for them a life-giver, and a savior, and a forgiver of sins, and through him the Lord of all is pleased with his creation and makes atonement with his people.” 17:6 And Herod, the governor of the region, called and sent for the honorable elders of the city, and asked them: “Where it is written that the king messiah, and savior, and life-giver of the worlds is to be born?”b And all of them said to him (as)c from one mouth: “The village Bethlehem, as was said by the heavenly majesty to our father David, the ancient prophet who lived a long time ago.”d 17:7 And when we heard from them what they said, again we rejoiced greatly. And while we were exulting, we saw our leader and our guide; again we abounded in joy all the more.e 17:8 And while we spoke mysteries, and all manner of revelations, and praises, we went in joy to Bethlehem as the blind scribes had read, not believing what they read from their books,f nor Herod, the blind governor, [unseeing]g of the love of the light that was born in their land, which (was)h the light before (all)i worlds.j And they are dwelling in darkness in the world in their Cf. 13:10 and corresponding note. Cf. Matt 2:4. c Not present in Syriac. d Cf. Matt 2:5. Of course, the prophecy referred to here is from Mic 5:2, and is not attributed elsewhere to David. e Cf. Matt 2:10. f The statement that the scribes did not believe that which was written in their sacred writings, when coupled with the Magi’s reliance on their own books of prophecy, sharply contrasts the two groups and goes beyond the implicit critique already present in Matt. See Birth of Messiah, 182-183. g This section is difficult to translate satisfactorily and may be corrupt. Although the MS reads “unseeing” as singular (‫ܐ‬ ), as thus would appear to modify Herod, I have chosen to emend it to a b a ) so that it modifies both Herod and the scribes, making better sense of the third-person plural (‫ܐ‬ plural pronouns and verb in the remainder of the sentence. Although this emendation requires overriding the punctuation of the MS as represented in Chabot, it is not clear that he has preserved the original punctuation of the MS in all cases. h Literally, “is.” i Not present in Syriac. j Perhaps this is an allusion to Gen 1:3. ̈ 111 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi days.a 17:9 But Herod said to us in his deceit: “When you have seen the messiah, come and tell me, that I also may go to worship him.”b And because he was not worthy for the worship of the light that was born, because he was a dwelling of error, it was said to us by our guide and our light that we should not return to him,c because he was not [worthy]d to see the great light of the world,e because he was totally deaf and blind to its worship. 18. Arrival in Bethlehem 18:1 And we went and entered Bethlehem in joy, which was worthy to be called the village for the holy birth and for the great light that appeared in it (to kill)f and destroy all error and to bring death to an end. 18:2 And all of us went to the homesteadg in which our guide was born, and we saw a caveh like the form and appearance of the Cave of Treasures of Hidden Mysteries,i which is in our country, from which we had learned the hidden mysteries that were preached about him, which were deposited in it contains the (presumably) enclitic form of ‫.ܗܘܐ‬ Cf. John 8:12, 9:5. f Literally, “and to kill.” I have omitted the conjunction in the belief that “the great light” is the subject of this and the next two verbs. g The Syriac term used here can also mean a court, a space enclosed by a fence, or a sheepfold. I have chosen the translation “homestead” because of the immediate appearance of Mary and Joseph as the Magi are leaving the cave (22:2), an indication that they do not live far away from the cave. h Although in Matt 2:11 the Magi visit the infant Jesus in his parents’ house, here the RevMagi places the birth in a cave, a locale mentioned in several other ancient sources. The cave tradition also appears in the Prot. Jas. 18.1, the Syriac T. Adam 3:6, and Justin Martyr, Dial. 78. i The sequence of events in 18:3-5 is practically identical to the initial manifestation of the star to the Magi atop the Mountain of Victories. e It is possible to understand this sentence as an indictment of the Jewish people since the time of Herod: “They are (still) dwelling in darkness (as they have done) from the days of Herod....” b Cf. Matt 2:8. c Cf. Matt 2:12. d The addition of the participle “being worthy” (‫ ) ܐ‬is a conjecture of Tullberg, since the MS only a 112 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi by our ancient fathers, and they were all accomplished today in our coming here.a 18:3 And we saw the pillar of light, which descended as we had seen it before,b and it stood in front of the cave, and that star of light descended and stood above the pillar, angels on its right side and on its left side.c 18:4 And when we saw it, again we rejoiced, though being afraid. And the pillar, and the star, and the angels entered and went before us into that cave,d in which the mystery and light of salvation was born. 18:5 And a compassionate voice instructed us, “Enter inside,”e and we went in after it, and we took our crowns,f and we put them under his feet, because the everlasting kingdom is his.g 18:6 And we knelt and worshiped before him upon the earth, because every knee 18:7 that is in heaven and on earth bows to him and worships him.h And we opened our hidden treasures, and they being sealed, we took them and came near the treasure of salvation, who is sealed with heavenly majesty. 18:8 And we brought forth our treasures before him, who is the treasure of salvation, that we might receive them from him in the kingdom by many fold before his own judgment seat of salvation.a 19. Epiphany in the Bethlehem Cave 19:1 And the glorious infant and the ancient light perfecting the will of the Father of majesty opened his mouth, and he said to us with a love of abundant and sweet This is the first of several statements, which occur at various places in the narrative, indicating that the mysteries of the Magi have been accomplished or fulfilled (cf. 19:2, 21:4, 24:2, 31:1). b Cf. 11:4. c Cf. 12:3. d Cf. 12:4. e Cf. 12:5. f This is the only reference in the first-person plural section of the RevMagi that implies that the Magi are kings. Cf. 1:2, 2:3-5. g Cf. Matt 6:13. This ascriptional phrase of the Lord’s Prayer, which does not appear in the earliest Greek witnesses to this passage, does occur with slight differences in both the Curetonian Old Syriac version (not extant in the Sinaitic Old Syriac) and the Peshitta, but not, apparently, in the Diatessaron. h Cf. Rom 14:11; Phil 2:10. a 113 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi mercy: “Peace to you, sons of my hidden mysteries,b sons of the East, of the heavenly light, because you have been found worthy to see the ancient everlasting light, you and also your fathers.c 19:2 And as you were worthy, behold, you have received him in perfect love without doubt. And again, you will be worthy to see him in his great light before which there will no longer be any mysteries, because they all are fulfilled in him. 19:3 And he alone from this time onward rules over all, and all are subject to him. 19:4 For it was I who was revealed to you in your land, and I spoke with you by mysteries. And again, I became for you a guide and leader to this place until you came in peace before me. 19:5 And again, I shall be with you even until the end,d and I am not separated from 19:6 you nor from all those who believe in me with perfect love. And again, you will be witnesses for me in the land of the East together with my disciples,e those who are chosen by me to preach my Gospel. 19:7 And when I have completed the will of my Father regarding everything that he commanded me, (I will go up)f in the glory in which I was with him.g Yet even now, while I am speaking with you, I am with him and have not become separated from the majesty of the Father.h 19:8 Now I shall give to you now anotheri sign at which you will be astonished: in the hour that you see the sun Cf. Matt 19:28-29; Mark 10:30; Luke 18:29-30. Cf. 13:1, 21:1, 25:1, 31:1. c How the fathers of the Magi are able to see the light of the star is not clear; perhaps the text only means that they were worthy to see it, even if it did not appear in their lifetimes. d Cf. Matt 28:20. e Cf. the appearance of Judas Thomas in 29:1, but there is never any indication in the final portion of the RevMagi that more than one disciple preaches in the homeland of the Magi. f Literally, “and I will go up.” g Cf. John 17:5. h Cf. 13:9. i In the unpointed Syriac of the MS, ‫ܐ‬ ‫ ܐ‬can be read either as “another” or “last.” The context of this phrase does not make one particularly more suitable than the other; however, “another” (aliud) is preferred in the Latin translation of Chabot, 121:59. b a 114 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi darkened in the daytime like the night,a and there is a great earthquake upon the earth, and the voice of the dead is heard from their graves giving praise,b then at that time know that all the times and seasons have come to an end in my coming to you. 19:9 And lift your eyes to the (heavens,)c and see them opened in glory before me, and I am ascending in praise fitting for me and sitting at the right hand of the Father of majesty,d from whom I have been sent to save the world.” 20. Angels Praise Christ 20:1 And while the Savior was speaking all these things with us, that entire cave shone,e and it became in our eyes like another world, since [in this world]f there was no light like it. 20:2 And many voices of [seraphs]g were speaking and [lacuna]h which are 20:3 innumerable: “Yea and Amen!i O first-born opener of the secret womb, o holy Cf. Mark 15:33. Cf. Matt 27:51-52. This prediction of events, which in the NT occurs in conjunction with the death of Jesus, is problematic in that it is never again mentioned in the RevMagi. If the Judas Thomas episode is judged to be an interpolation, then it is possible that its insertion may have obliterated the fulfillment of this prophecy. c Literally, “heaven.” I have changed it to the plural so that it coheres with the plural participle “they are opening.” d Cf. Mark 14:62, 16:19; Acts 7:55-56. e Cf. 12:4. f A piece of the MS has disappeared. I have adopted the conjecture of Tullberg ( ‫ܐ ܗ‬ ‫ ;)ܒ‬however, Chabot believes that the lacuna contained three words. g The MS apparently reads “hope” (‫ ,) ܒ ܐ‬but this reading scarcely makes sense. I have conjectured b a ), which also appears at 14:8, partly due to its similarity in appearance to “hope.” In “seraphs” (‫ܐ‬ any case, the fact that the voices are invisible and angels are mentioned in 20:4, 21:3, and 21:7 render it quite probable that angels of one kind or another are the speakers here. h Three words have disappeared. i The Latin infancy gospels provide a parallel to this praise of Christ’s birth by invisible supernatural beings. Arundel reads “And in that hour in which he was born, the voice of many invisible beings was heard proclaiming ‘Amen!’ with one voice” (In illa autem hora qua natus est audita est vox multorum inuisibilium una voce dicencium Amen.), and Hereford reads, “Therefore in that hour in which he came forth from his mother, the voice of a great multitude in the height of heaven was heard very clearly saying ‘Amen, amen, amen! Alleluia to God’” (In illa ergo hora qua egressus est de matre audita est uox multitudinis in sublimitate celi clarissime dicens Amen, amen, amen. deo alleluia.), Latin Infancy, 68-69; also, the Irish Liber Flavus Fergusiorum 73.3 reads, “And above the cave were heard many angelic voices, 115 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi infant, o completer of the will of the heavenly majesty who is the perfect ‘Yes,’ and through whom everything came into being,a and ‘Amen,’b by your light and by your word they were made perfect, and all the worlds seen and unseen were brought to completion.c 20:4 And all the angels and the powers worship you. And yours is the place of salvation, which you will give to your chosen ones. And yours is the ancient light, because you are the beloved fruit of the thought of the Father. 20:5 And you are the image and will of the one who upholds all, the revealer of hidden things, because by the word that is spoken all that is in the thought is made known. And you are all, and all is in you, and there is nothing outside of your will.”d 21. The Commissioning of the Magi 21:1 And when all these praises were spoken and we heard, we were afraid and 21:2 trembled, and we fell upon the ground like dead men. And the child, the offspring of light, stretched out his right hand mightily and put it upon us.e And he comforted us and said to us: “Sons of my mysteries,f do not be afraid. For all these things that you have seen and heard from the first day until today, and at which you are amazed: even those ones that [you hear]a are not greater than I am, but for you they are mighty because you are clothed in weak flesh, yet for me they are very small things. 21:3 For praising the great Lord and giving strength to the holy virgin who was in the cave,” Apocrypha Hiberniae, 242. a John 1:3. b Cf. 2 Cor 1:20. c Cf. Col 1:16. d Cf. 2:2. e The Magi falling on the ground like dead men in 21:1 and the child putting his right hand on them in 21:2 very strongly resemble Rev 1:17. Since the Book of Revelation did not enter the Syriac-speaking world until quite late, this suggests that this passage had its origins outside of Syriac Christian circles. f Cf. 13:1, 19:1, 25:1, 31:1. 116 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi because of your frailty, you are not able to see or hear a single one of the wonderful things that belong to me with the Father who sent me. But since you have been found worthy to see and hear these things at this time—and behold, you are amazed as wonderful things are in your sight!—again you shall be deemed worthy by my love, which is with you forever, to see and hear these great things that cannot be spoken now. And neither watchers nor angels are able to speak of them, because these things are very great even for them.b 21:4 Therefore, rise and go in peace to your light-receiving land,c because you have been deemed worthy to receive the perfect light of the heavenly majesty, and to come and worship it with your gifts in joy. Behold, you have completed everything that you were commanded by your fathers, and you have also been deemed worthy to know and learn the ancient hidden mysteries, which were written for you from the first generations. Now, behold, you have seen the completion of your mysteries, and you have completed everything that you have been commanded for my love and for my witness. 21:5 And again, you have been deemed worthy to be witnesses for me in the East with my disciples, who were chosen by me before the world came to be. And when I have completed the will of my Father regarding everything that he commanded me and have ascended to him in glory, I shall send to you some of my chosen ones who have been chosen by me for your land. And they shall speak and witness the truth with you that it may be your seald with one accord. a I have emended the reading of the MS by adding the pronoun “you” (‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ ,)ܐ‬thus making the Magi ‫.)ܕ‬ the subjects of the participle “hearing” ( It is not clear what these “great things” to come are. It is possible that this refers back to the prophecy spoken by the child in 19:7-9 regarding the events at his death and his ascension to heaven. c I.e., Shir, where the light of the star first appeared. d Cf. 29:5. b 117 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi 21:6 Therefore, rise and go in peace. Again, I am with you in all visions and signs,a just as I am with you from the first day. For just as I am in sight and in all forms here—and behold, you are amazed by all the visions and forms in which you see me—I am also with the Father of majesty whose will I am since the world began, and I am never separated from you, nor from the presence of the Father, because I am a ray of his light and I was sent to you to enlighten you. 21:7 And behold, you are amazed as frail human beings—how much more when I have come to you in the majesty of my Father. As for you not being able to stand before me, neither (could)b the angels and powers that are above you when I descended upon them, and they saw a vision of wonders and stood in fear and trembling. Even as it was fitting for them I appeared to them, and for you I appeared as you were able to see. 21:8 For the Father of majesty does not have an image and form in this world,c except I who am an epiphany from him, since I am his will, and his power, and his wisdom,d since I am in my Father and my Father is in me.e And I am—as it is fitting for God to be seen and for the world to know him, and again, as the sons of wisdom can receive and hear with love—the majesty of the Father who sent me. And now I have appeared to you in the form of humanity to fulfill everything that is written about me.a 21:9 Because of the reason and the foolishness of your ancient father Adam’s sin, which became your downfall to Sheol, death has had authority over you and error has reigned in deceit over your generations and has supposed in its rashness that it was lord over you and that you had become its property forever. And a Cf. 27:10. Not present in Syriac. c Cf. Col 1:15. d Cf. 1 Cor 1:24. e Cf. John 10:38; 14:11. b 118 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi again, I have made known to you, your fathers, and even to that ancient race of yours, your freedom, because you are from the race of light.b And it was not in vain that you were created in the world, and heaven, and earth, and all the worlds came into being for your sake.c 21:10 And also, the Father of majesty, because of this love, sent me, and I clothed myself in your form, that by it I might bring to an end and destroy all those who afflict you and your captors. And I shall offer you to the Father, before him as a pure and perfect offering, since there are no blemishes of error on you. And I shall set you free with love, and with truth, with pure water, and the birth of the Holy Spirit,d and you shall be for me by love brothers and believers, like infants in whom there are no blemishes of evil,e from now until forever. 21:11 Therefore, joy, and praise, and thanksgiving hef will cause to go up from you in the heavenly heights from you through me, since I am his will. And joy, and redemption, and the fellowship of the Spirit, and eternal life shall be given to you through me, since everything is in agreement without division. As from the beginning under the wingsg of the Father will it be, his power, and his wisdom, and his righteous will sanctifying and having mercy upon you forever Cf. 13:10; John 5:46. Cf. Gos. Thom. 50. c Cf. Gos. Thom. 12. d Cf. 30:5-6, 31:1. Also note that the Holy Spirit is feminine in gender here, as evidenced by the feminine form of the adjective “holy” (‫ܐ‬ ). This usage, found in the second-century Odes Sol. and the writings of Ephrem and Aphrahat, indicates a probable date earlier than the fifth century for the RevMagi, since Syriac writers after this period generally understand the Holy Spirit as a masculine entity. Witakowski notes this feature in his estimation of the date of the RevMagi as prior to 500 C.E., see his Magi in Syriac 2007, 5-6. e This statement about infants lacking any blemishes of sin is intriguing, since it disagrees markedly with the Augustinian conception of original sin, wherein infants, like all of humanity, share Adam’s guilt (Pecc. merit. 1.9.24). The assertion that infants lack sin occurs in a number of Greek Christian writers (cf. Aristides, Apology 15, Syriac recension; Clement of Alexandria, Strom. 4.25.160; Gregory of Nyssa, On Infants’ Early Deaths, passim). f I.e., the Father of majesty. g Cf. 32:2. b a 119 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi and ever.” 21:12 And again, a voice from on high, and from every direction, and from inside the earth was heard, which answered and saida “Amen! The will of complete salvation, joy and peace to all the worlds!”b 22. The Magi Meet Mary and Joseph 22:1 And when we received from him the commandments of salvation, we went forth from his presence in great joy, and much exultation, and with praise, our hearts being filled with great hope, to come to our land. 22:2 And Joseph and Mary, honored and blessed people, went out with us,c they who were deemed worthy and entrusted to be called by the name parents and to be upbringers for the offspring of the voice of virgin hearingd and upbringers for the perfect will of complete mercy. Mary became the gate for the great light that entered the world in grace to banish the darkness. 22:3 And she became the way of salvation for God giving birth to himself,e who appeared in the bodily form of a human being.f And there will be for her a name, and a memory, and a The MS reads both of these verbs as third-person plural, though the second was initially written as a third-person singular. I have emended both verbs to read as third-person singulars to agree with the singular subject “voice.” b Cf. Rev 5:13. c The appearance of Mary and Joseph at this point in the narrative is quite abrupt, as the RevMagi does not mention them earlier. It is not clear whether they “went out” of the cave or the village of Bethlehem with the Magi. This episode is also remarkable for the way in which it uses the misunderstanding of Mary and Joseph as the first occasion for the Magi to act as witnesses for Christ by proclaiming his true omnipresent nature. In the Latin and Irish tradition (93 in both Arundel/Hereford and in the LB), it is also the Magi who convey to Joseph and his son Simeon the significance of Christ’s birth; see Latin Infancy, 86-89; Apocrypha Hiberniae, 360-362. d The statement “the offspring of the voice of virgin hearing” (cf. also 24:3) seems to demonstrate a familiarity with the ancient Christian doctrine of the conceptio per aurem; that Mary’s conception happened through auditory channels, through the ear. Although the doctrine becomes especially popular in the mid-fifth century and beyond, traces of it appear as early as the second-century Protevangelium of James. In its annunciation narrative, Gabriel tells Mary that she will conceive from God’s word (sullh/yei e0k lo&gou au0tou=), Prot. Jas. 11:5. See the detailed discussion of this tradition in Proclus of Constantinople and the Cult of the Virgin in Late Antiquity: Homilies 1-5, Texts and Translations (ed. N. Constas; Leiden: Brill, 2003), 279-299. e Cf. 28:2. f Cf. 4:8, 13:1. a 120 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi blessing forever and ever.a 22:4 And they lifted up their eyes and they saw the light that 22:5 was born by his mercy in their house,b which is with us and accompanies us. And they said to us: “We were not pleased by your coming to us. You have led away the light and the great hope of the whole world, and you have gone away [with him]c and [have deprived us]d of him. We were deemed worthy by great grace to be trusted to be attendants for it, for the upbringing of the body that appeared in our house,e and now, behold, we have seen him going away with you.” 23. The Magi’s Revelation to Mary 23:1 We said to her: “O woman blessed among women,f o blessed Mary, who was deemed worthy by mercy to receive the conception of the Spirit by your pure obedience and to bring forth the child of salvation of the eternal Word, you were trusted and deemed worthy to be called mother for him. 23:2 And now, behold, your glorious child is inside of you,g and behold, he awaits you in the house, even while he is not separated from us, as he said to us, because he is the great gift of salvation that by your child was given to all the worlds. 23:3 And the mystery that was hidden from the beginning in the Father of all has been revealed to us in your child. And the treasure of salvation has appeared which had been kept for all generations. This great gift and light of salvation Cf. Mark 14:9. Matt 2:11. c The MS reads “with you.” I have followed the emendation of Tullberg. d The MS reads “you have deprived me.” I have followed the emendation of Tullberg. e Cf. Ascen. Isa. 11:8-9. f Cf. Luke 1:42. g The beginning section of this sentence is problematic, since it would be expected that the child is no longer in Mary’s womb. This statement may suggest that Christ is always with Mary, as he is always with the Magi—an indication of Christ’s omnipresence. b a 121 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi is not yours alone, but is (for)a all the heavenly and lower worlds. 23:4 And lift up your eyes and see that he is in the entire creation and enlightens it all, and it is full of his glorious mysteries. And now he has appeared in the world in a body, and the forms with him are seen in every land, because he has been sent by hisb majesty for the salvation and redemption of every human being.”c 24. Mary Speaks to Christ 24:1 And when Joseph and Mary turned back, rejoicing about all these things that 24:2 they had heard about the holy child, they went away to their house.d And Mary entered and found the child of light laughinge about and glorifying all his great and amazing mysteries, proclaimed in the entire world from [ancient times,]f and behold, all of them are fulfilled in his appearance today. And he glorified and gave thanks to his Father who sent him for the redemption of his worlds. 24:3 And Mary and Joseph worshiped him and she says to him: “I have rejoiced that I have seen the treasury of salvation, and my light, and the holy child, who is the obedience of my ears.g 24:4 And o Not present in Syriac. I.e., “by the majesty of the Father of all.” c This statement of the Magi to Mary strongly reflects the interest in universal salvation through the polymorphy and omnipresence of Christ (cf. 13:10 and corresponding note). d It is unclear whether the Magi have accompanied Mary and Joseph to their house, since they are not mentioned again until 26:1. If they do not, then chapters 24-25 would be a rather jarring departure from the first-person narration that pervades the majority of the RevMagi. Since the location of the Bethlehem cave is described as a “homestead” (18:2 and note e), this may indicate that there is very little space between the cave and the house of Mary and Joseph. e Instances of Jesus laughing in ancient Christian texts are quite rare; however, the recently published Gospel of Judas has Jesus laugh on several occasions at the misunderstandings of his disciples. Cf. also 13:1 and the accompanying note for reference to Jesus’ laughter in the Latin infancy gospels. f Though it is not certain, the MS appears to render this phrase in the singular (“ancient time”). However, I have followed the reading of Tullberg, since the plural “times” is more common in the RevMagi. g Cf. 22:2 and corresponding note. b a 122 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi opener of my womb by [your]a holy mercy, o Lord of my holy virginity, I have greatly rejoiced that I have found my great treasure in my house where I gave birth and my great light, which exists forever. I had thought, o my beloved, that the Easterners were taking you, with your great love for them, in exchange for the gifts they offered to you from your own, since I saw your holy form going along with them.”b 25. Christ Blesses Mary 25:1 And he answered in a sweet and humble voice and said to Mary: “Peace to you,c my mother and upbringer, since you were deemed worthy to be blessed among women,d since you were deemed worthy for the fruit of the voice of salvation. Since you accepted and conceived with love in your mind and with faith without doubt, you shall receive the reward of your service and shall have blessing and remembrance in all (the) generations,e and in the new world you shall receive a good reward. 25:2 And because of you, Eve and her offspring will have hope and salvation, since by your person you have made her pass beyond the spear that fenced in the Tree of Life.f 25:3 And by your person tranquility and peace have happened for all the worlds from now on and forever, Amen! For I, who appeared in youra house, have come to fulfill the will of the Father who sent me, and everyone who hears me and believes shall live. The MS reads “his mercy,” but since Mary is directly addressing Christ, I have changed the pronominal suffix from the third person to the second person. b Mary’s misunderstanding here is intriguing, as she has apparently thought that the gifts brought by the Magi were a sort of bribe that they gave to the divine child so that he would accompany them. c Cf. 13:1, 19:1, 21:2, 31:1. d Cf. 23:1; Luke 1:42. e Cf. Luke 1:48 f Cf. Gen 3:24; Luke 2:35. In linking the instrument that guarded the Garden of Eden with that which is said to pierce Mary’s heart, the RevMagi resembles to a certain degree an interpretation found in several Syriac texts, wherein the spear that pierces Christ’s side in John 19:34 reverses the sword in Genesis. For discussion of this latter tradition, see R.M. Murray, “The Lance which Re-opened Paradise: A Mysterious Reading in the Early Syriac Fathers,” OCP 39 (1973): 224-234, 491. a 123 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi For behold, you have perfectly accomplished your own service without a flaw, for which you shall receive a good recompense. 25:4 Therefore, I am turning to all my brethren who are in the entire world, that I may perfectly fulfill everything that the Father commanded me for my believers, so that they may bring forth the fruits of eternal salvation. And I shall also give to them all the promises of my Father, which through me are fulfilled, and are given, and are accomplished for my believers and everyone who believes in me.” 26. The Return Journey Home 26:1 And when we came to the first (stage), again the sign of light appeared to us in front of us, and we rejoiced and exulted greatly, and we knelt and worshiped upon the ground before it. 26:2 And we glorified the vision, and we answered in our voice as one and said to it: “We worship and give thanks for your kindness and your light, which accompanies [our]b encampment everywhere.” 26:3 And he answered and said to us: “I am everywhere,c and there is no land in which I am not. I am also where you departed from me, for I am greater than the sun, and there is no place in the world that is deprived of it, even though itd is a single entity; yet if it departs from the world, all its inhabitants sit in darkness. How much more I, who am the lord of the sun, and my light and word are more abundant [by many times]e than the sun.” 26:4 And we answered and said before him: “O our light and our savior, we know all these things a Because the pronominal suffix is second-person plural, both Mary and Joseph are addressed here. The MS reads “your encampment;” I have followed the emendation of Tullberg. c Cf. Col 3:11; Gos. Thom. 77. d I.e., the sun. e The MS is missing a piece with approximately two words. Tullberg believes that the second word is either “is deprived” or “many.” On the basis of this, I have conjectured the missing phrase as “by many ̈ ̈ times” (‫ ,)ܒ ܐ ܐ ܓ ܐܐ‬a phrase use in 11:5 to express how much brighter the star is than the sun. b 124 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi and they are true for us. And we believe that all these wonders that we saw with all your believersa are, for your majesty, small things. But for us they are powerful, and no mouth can speak of them or acknowledge any of them.” 26:5 And when the time of supper came, we brought out some of our provisions to refresh ourselves, and we saw that our provisions were replenished beyond those provisions that came out of our country with us when we came.b And then, again, we were all the more afraid, glorifying the majesty that was with us, which did not hold back from our weakness. 26:6 And when we ate our supper from the food in passing the night, each of us spoke joy and praise. As with a fountain that spouts forth much water, so the visions and wonders did not resemble each other.c 26:7 And we spoke to and glorified our guide, and our leader, and the light of our encampment, and the many forms, and his glorious vestments, and his beautiful images, and his perfect likenesses, which were with us. 27. The Magi Address the People of Shir 27:1 And we journeyed on all (our stages)d with his glorious signs until we came to our borders, and all our families, children and a multitude of the people of our land came out to meet us. 27:2 And when they heard that we had come, they met us with great joy and received us, rejoicing, and exulting, and glorifying. And they marveled at our appearance and the health of our entire encampment.e 27:3 And when we went to It is not clear who “all your believers” are, with whom the Magi have been witnesses to the star. The only other people who have seen the star are Mary and Joseph; however, it may refer to the statements made by Christ and the Magi that he has adherents in every land (13:10; 17:5). b Cf. 16:5, 27:9. c Cf. 14:3. d Literally, “dwelling-places.” Cf. note at 16:7. e Cf. 16:4 and accompanying note. a 125 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi them, they assembled and came before us. And we began to speak and narrate for them abouta how our ascent took place, and about the astounding visions that accompanied us, and about our entrance into Jerusalem, and about everything that was spoken with us, and about our journeying to Bethlehem, and about the glorious visions and revelations of the Father of heavenly majesty, which appeared to us in the cave: a great light and wondrous appearances in the bodily form of a humble human being, and about his light of the star, which went before us as a glorious guide. 27:4 And when, again, we entered and saw before us the unspeakable glory, and we fell and worshiped the divine child of great light, two angels were standing by and a pillar of cloudb was standing by, like all the visions that we saw previously on the Mountain of Victories in the Cave of Treasures of Hidden Mysteries, which is in our land. Also, in that cave everything was accomplished in truth, even about the forms and vestments of the glorious and divine child who appeared to us in the cave of Bethlehem.a 27:5 And he spoke to us and taught us, “Behold, all the mysteries, and parables, and forms, and revelations are fulfilled, and everything that has been spoken about me by the prophets and in the whole world from the first day until today.b From now on let the will of he who sent me be accomplished in me regarding everything that he sent me to fulfill.” 27:6 And we offered him gifts that we took from the Cave of Treasures, which were This is the first instance in the RevMagi of indirect discourse being used to summarize a speech, as opposed to the regular pattern of directly quoting lengthy speeches. The only other such occurrences of this are in 29:3-4, where the Magi tell Judas Thomas about their journey and Judas Thomas in turn relates to them his experiences with the earthly Jesus. Note also that by 27:9, the indirect discourse has evidently switched to direct speech, as indicated by the presence of “you.” Because of this shift back and forth between indirect and direct speech and also the parallels of this section with the Judas Thomas material, it is likely that this section reveals editorial tampering designed to merge the first-person testimony of the Magi with the third-person Judas Thomas narrative. b Sic. Cf. note at 12:3. a 126 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi deposited by our fathers from his own.c And we worshiped him, the Lord of worship, and he opened his splendid and glorious mouth and spoke [salvation]d with us as we were able and sufficient to hear it,e and in this way he planted the word of salvation in us. 27:7 And he spoke and revealed to us concerning the place of salvation and concerning the heavenly kingdom of the Father of majesty, the Lord of all, who sent him for the healing of the worlds, to cure their sickness, because they could not be healed by one of the ancient prophets,f but only through the will of the son of perfect mercy. 27:8 And he dismissed us to come to our land in peace, and when we came to the first stage, rejoicing and exulting the entire way, again we found our guide and our light with all the forms that we saw before us.g And we trembled and were greatly afraid, worshiping and glorifying his majesty, which accompanies our encampment. 27:9 And also, our provisions were filling our vessels, overflowing from his blessings, and were even more than the provisions that we had taken with us when we set out to go.a And behold, they are sitting filled before yourb eyes, our vessels overflowing from them, because of the power of his blessings, which settled upon us, and so that they might be proved true for you and you might believe everything—the visions and wonders that we saw—and that you also might be deemed worthy to become believers and chosen ones It is unclear precisely what the meaning of this sentence is. Cf. 13:10. c Cf. note at 4:7. d The MS presents difficulty here, and none of the proposed solutions are entirely satisfactory. Chabot believes that the word in question is “rest” (‫ , ـ ܐ‬with the yod added above the line by a later hand). b a Tullberg reads the word as “living” (‫ܐ‬ e ). I have followed the conjecture of Tullberg, but even this reading is awkward. Cf. 13:10. f This phrase may be meant as a critique of Judaism, since “the prophets” are also mentioned in 13:10. g Cf. 26:1. ̈ (‫ـ ܐ‬ ‫ ,) ̇ ـ‬but conjectures that it should actually be read as “salvation” 127 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi for him. 27:10 And his great power and his revelations will indeed stay with you, because he is also here [with us]c in truth, as he spoke to us,d and we believe that his light is not removed from our encampment. Indeed, again, he is in the entire world, for he is the light that is all-sufficient and all-enlighteninge by his perfect love.f 27:11 Everyone who wishes, receive without doubt, with a whole heart and true faith, and eat from these provisions, which have come with us. And be deemed worthy and, you too, join in his blessing, which accompanies us and is with us forever.” 28. The People Eat the Magi’s Food 28:1 And some of the people,g rejoicing in love, took of those provisions and ate. And they began rejoicing and leaping for joy, while glorifying and saying to each other everything that appeared to them.h There was one of them saying, “At the moment I ate of these provisions, I saw a great light that has no likeness in the world.” 28:2 And there is one saying, “I saw God bearing himselfi in the world as he wished.” And there is one saying, “I saw a star of light that darkened the sun by its light.”j And there is one saying, “I saw a human being whose appearance is more unsightly than a man,k and he Cf. 16:5, 26:5. Cf. note at 27:3. c The MS lacks the preposition ‫ , ܬܢ‬and I have followed the conjecture of Tullberg in adding it. d Cf. 21:6. e Cf. John 1:9. f Cf. 23:4. g Cf. 5:11 for the only other indication that not all the people of Shir choose to participate in the mysteries of the Magi. h The visions of the people of Shir in 28:1-3 are related in the same basic form as those experienced by the Magi in 14:4-8. However, two features distinguish these visions from those of the Magi. First, these visions are facilitated simply by the eating of food, while those of the Magi resulted from the epiphany of Christ in the Cave of Treasures. Second, the visions of the Magi followed in sequence the order of events in Christ’s life, whereas here the order is less secure and the account of Christ’s life less complete. i Cf. 22:3. j Cf. 11:6. k Cf. 4:8 and accompanying note. b a 128 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi is saving and purifying the world by his blood and by his humble appearance.” 28:3 And there is one saying, “I saw something like a lamba hanging upon a tree of life,b and by him and his blood redemption takes place for all the creatures of the world.” And there is one saying, “I saw a pillar of light diving down inside the bowels of the earth, and the dead rise to meet it, and they worship and glorify it with great joy.” 28:4 And those who ate from those provisions were speaking to each other many other things beyond these, and their mind brought forth much glory day by day. And there was great joy in the entire land of the East, and the nobles, and the poor, and women, and children from the entire land were gathered togetherc in the love of our Lordd before those nobles who were called Magi.e 28:5 And theyf came and heard from themg the new and glorious teaching,h and the mysteries, and the revelations, and everything that was spoken with them from that first day that they went out from their land until they came back in joy. And again, day by day, revelations, and visions, and all kinds of powerful manifestations were increased for them. 28:6 And the faith increased with the love of the testimony of our Lord Jesus Christ,i by the mighty works which he did Cf. John 1:29, 36; Rev 5:6. Although the phrase “tree of life” (‫ )ܐ ܐ ܕ ̈ ܐ‬appears in 6:2, here ‫ܐ‬ is used for “tree” instead. While this can also designate the paradisiacal Tree of Life (as in Rev 22:2), in a number of NT texts it refers to the cross (cf. Acts 5:30; Gal 3:13). c Cf. Acts 2:1. d Cf. note at 28:6. e Cf. 1:2. It is at this point that, for the first time since 2:6 or 3:6 (unless chapters 24-25 are an exception, see 24:1 note a), the narration is no longer in the first-person plural, but in the third person. This transition may have happened earlier, at 28:1, but the description of the Magi in the third person demonstrates unambiguously that they are no longer the narrators of the RevMagi. f I.e., the nobles, the poor, the women, and children of Shir. g I.e., the Magi. h Cf. Acts 17:19. i This is the first instance of the name “Jesus,” and the second instance (28:4) of the title “our Lord” in the RevMagi. Although “Christ” appears once in the title (1:1) and twice in the Magi’s dialogue with the leaders of Jerusalem (17:3, 6), the former is very likely the composition of the author of the CZuq, while b a 129 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi through them, that offspring of light who appeared to them until he accomplished the will of the one who sent him in everything and was taken up with glory to that heavenly height, his first abode. And the faith of salvation increased in the land of the East in those who heard.a 29. Judas Thomas Arrives in Shir 29:1 When, again, Judas Thomasb went down there by the will of our Lord when he sent him, again the faith increased all the more in those who heard, through the many mighty works and signs that Judas Thomas, the apostle of our Lord, was doing there. 29:2 And when the nobles had heard that Judas had gone there, as the light that appeared to them had said,c they gathered together and went to him to meet with him in prayer and faith. And they saluted Judas with complete love, rejoicing in our Lord. the latter clearly has the titular meaning of “messiah” (cf. note at 17:3). Therefore, this is also the first instance of “Christ” as a proper name in the RevMagi. The use of this terminology is very characteristic of the Judas Thomas section, where some combination of these designations occurs eighteen times. Like the shift in narrative voice from first person to third person in 28:4, the introduction of this familiar Christian terminology is evidence of a redactional hand, which grafted the Judas Thomas episode onto a pre-existing Magi pseudepigraphon. a Cf. Acts 2:47. b Judas Thomas is the same as the apostle known simply as “Thomas” in the synoptic gospels (cf. Mark 3:18; Matt 10:3; Luke 6:15; also Acts 1:13) and “Thomas who was called the Twin” (Qwma=j o( lego/menoj Di/dumoj) in John’s Gospel (11:16, 20:24, 21:2). The Greek nickname “Didymus” means “twin,” and the Syriac name “Thomas” (‫ ,ܬܐܘ ܐ‬here ‫ )ܬܘ ܐ‬is also related to the Aramaic word “twin,” (mO):T). The name “Judas Thomas” is found in two texts from Nag Hammadi (the Gospel of Thomas and the Book of Thomas the Contender), as well as in the Acts of Thomas. It appears that Judas Thomas was the chief apostolic figure in ancient Syriac-speaking Christianity, particularly in the environs of Edessa. In the Acts of Thomas, Judas Thomas is commissioned to preach the gospel in India, where he is eventually martyred, but the RevMagi either ignores or is not aware of this tradition in favor of placing him in the furthest reaches of the East. The development of Thomas traditions in the Far East has been analyzed by J. Tubach, who argues that it was the RevMagi that gave rise to later legends about Thomas’ work in China: “Die darin enthaltene Missionsreise des Apostels in den Oriens Extremus, [i.e., the RevMagi] ins Land der Seidenleute, was der Ausgangspunkt für die Tradition, daß der Apostel einst auch in China gewesen sei. Über das Brevier, das die Notiz für den Gedenktag des Apostels übernahm, fand die Überlieferung Eingang in Indien, dem eigentlichen Missionsgebiet des Apostels, wo sie in die einheimische, von den syrischen Thomasakten inspirierte Tradition inkorporiert wurde.” See his “Der Apostel Thomas in China: Die Herkunft einer Tradition,” ZKG 108 (1997): 74. c Cf. 21:5. 130 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi 29:3 And Judas also greatly rejoiced with them, and while they were with him for (several)a days,b they related to Judas how they were deemed worthy to receive from the first day this gift of the light of the world, and aboutc their ascent to him at Bethlehem and everything that was spoken with them, and about the revelations and visions that they saw there in the cave, and about their descent, how he, in his light, accompanied their entire encampment with many visions and revelations. 29:4 And when Judas the Apostle recognized that the gift of our Lord had overflowed upon them, he also related to them about our Savior while all the brethren were gathered together as one, and about the mighty works, and healings, and wonders, which he did in the very sight of his apostles, and about the forms of his images, and about his astounding appearances, about which we are not able to narrate, since he was always appearing to us so that we were amazedd by him, and we stood in the outpouringe and in the doubt of mind,f since no one had ever appeared in such a way in the days of the world. 29:5 And when all the brethren heard what Judas related to them, they all glorified with one voice the Lord of heavenly majesty through his Son, the will of perfect salvation. And they sought from Judas, the apostle of our Lord, to make them partakers with him in the sealg of our Not present in Syriac. Cf. Acts 9:19. c Cf. 27:3 and accompanying note. d Though the text changed to narration in the third person at 28:4, here it curiously breaks into the first person plural yet again with “we cannot narrate,” “appearing to us,” and “we were amazed.” However, the “we” in this case is certainly not the Magi, but instead the disciples of Christ, whose experience with the polymorphic Christ Judas Thomas is describing. It is difficult to explain away three separate instances of the first person plural as the slip of a careless copyist, so it is probable that the hypothetical redactor who inserted the Judas Thomas material was responsible for both the shift from first to third person at 28:4 and for the momentary shift back here as well. e This word is very difficult to translate intelligibly and may be corrupt. f The mention of doubt in connection with Thomas may allude to John 20:24-29. g Cf. 21:5. Although in the earlier passage it was unclear precisely what the “seal” was, here it is obviously Christian baptism, terminology perhaps derived from Eph 1:13; 4:30. b a 131 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi Lord. 29:6 And Judas said: “My brothers, I also rejoice, because it is for this gift that I was sent in salvation, since everyone who believes in salvation and with love receives the seal of my Lord Jesus Christ in truth, the Enemy does not rule over.” 30. The Hymn of Judas Thomas 30:1 Then at night, before Sunday, Judas also led those brethren who, rejoicing, had asked him to receive the seal of our Lord also. And he went out to a spring of water, and he took oila and gave praise over it, and he said:b 30:2 “We praise you, o mystery of salvation, which was given to us in oil by grace for anointing. 30:3 Glory to you, o hidden mystery, which was given to us in oil by grace for salvation, for anointing. Glory to you, o hidden mystery, which was given to us in oil for salvation and absolution. 30:4 And by itc (you)d enlighten us and drive away darkness and error from us. And again, by its mystery the athletes of the contest defeat their enemies. The order represented here of chrismation first, baptism (cf. 31:1) second is a phenomenon particular to Syriac Christianity and is attested in other ancient sources. See the discussion in S.P. Brock, “Anointing in the Syriac Tradition,” in Oil of Gladness: Anointing in the Christian Tradition (eds. M. Dudley and G. Rowell; Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press, 1993), 92-100, and G. Winkler, “The Original Meaning of Prebaptismal Anointing and its Implications,” Worship 52 (1978): 24-45. b The prayer/hymn spoken here by Judas Thomas is unattested in any other ancient sources, but appears to be quite archaic because of vocabulary not seen elsewhere in the RevMagi (“athletes,” “contest,” “partner of the first-born,” etc.). These elements suggest that the prayer had an origin separate from the other sections of the RevMagi, most likely in a liturgical context. This hymn, particularly its invocations to “come” (cf. 30:7), finds its closest parallel in the prayers scattered throughout the Acts Thom. For further discussion of the similarity of this hymn to those found in the Acts Thom. and how these similarities may affect the dating of the RevMagi, see chapter three, section II.D.1; see also C. Johnson, Ritual Epicleses, 171-204, and the very recently published study by S.E. Myers, Spirit Epicleses in the Acts of Thomas (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2007). c I.e., the oil. d Not present in Syriac. a 132 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi 30:5 Glory to you, o mystery of the oil, since you became worthy to be in fellowship with Christ. With you the victorious are crowned in the contest, and you are twinned with the Spirit. 30:6 And you fly over the water like your (twin,)a the Holy Spirit, you mix the soul with mind, and you renew the body with the birth of salvation. 30:7 Come, o partner of the first born; Come, o renewer of humanity by the birth to eternal life; 30:8 and rest upon these believers, the beloved ones of our Lord Jesus Christ, and purify them and sanctify them from all the stains of their bodies, 30:9 and may they become for you temples for your dwelling and rest for the Son of perfect mercy. And may you perfectly sanctify them with the birth of salvation.” 31. The Magi Receive the Eucharist and Commission to Preach 31:1 And he baptized them in the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit,b and when they all came up from the water, a certain child of heavenly light appeared to them, who descended from heaven and said to them: “Peace be with you, sons of all my mysteries.c And behold, now all the visions and revelations that you saw from the first day have been accomplished in your birth.” 31:2 And they were afraid and a Literally, “the daughter of its yoke.” Cf. Matt 28:19. c Cf. 13:1; 19:1; 21:2; 25:1. b 133 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi fell upon the ground,a and when they stood up he appeared to them in the form of a glorious and divine young man. And taking a whole loaf of bread, he gave praise, broke, and gave first to the Apostle Judas, and also to each one of them, and he said to them, “Behold, the consummation and sealing of your birth of salvation. From now and forever, be confirmed in my promise.” 31:3 And when he was separated from their 31:4 sight, again they saw him going up to heaven in glory that has no end. And Judas said: “We glorify your sweet majesty, your singularity in many personifications, your glorious images that you have shown us, and the clothes that you have put on for our sake, that we may be clothed in your powerful majesty. 31:5 And by as many names as you have been called, you are not in any one of them, for you alone have known your great nameb and your majesty, and your exalted Father, and no one else. 31:6 And all these forms in which you were clothed and appeared for our sake, that we might know you, were because you loved us with your great mercy that was for us, and everything that the crucifiers brought upon you, you endured for our sake, being exalted above all sufferings and being a kinsperson of that one who does not suffer,c in order that we should have redemption by your grace. 31:7 And on our behalf you endured everything and you suffered everything, for you are our advocate, and our guide, and our light, and our savior, and because we have believed in you, we have everything in you. And you have completely given it to us by the trust of your love towards us, you who a Cf. 21:1. Cf. Phil 2:19. c I.e., God the Father. This speech of Judas Thomas is ambiguous in whether or not it believes that Christ suffered. 31:6 states that Christ “endured” everything that the crucifiers did to him, but also that he was “exalted above all sufferings” and “a kinsperson of that one who does not suffer.” However, 31:7 again states that Christ “endured everything and...suffered everything,” which seems, on its face, to be a clear belief in the suffering of Christ. b 134 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi endured everything for our sake.” 31:8 And all the new disciples of the word of salvation answered and said with great joy: “We glorify, and we worship, and we give thanks for your majesty, which is unspeakable by the mouth of human beings because we are too weak for it, and for your great light, you caused to shine upon our weakness, by which you made us worthy in your mercy for your fellowship of everlasting life.” 31:9 And while they were delighting greatly in thanksgiving, and prayer, and visions of our Lord, a multitude of brethren were added to the faith day by day.a 31:10 And Judas said to them: “Therefore, my brethren, let us fulfill the commandment of our Lord, who said to us: ‘Go out into the entire world and preach my Gospel.’b So, my brethren, be you also preachers of the Word like us, because you have also received the gift of our Lord. Also go out to every place and preach the gift of our light and of our savior generously to everyone.” 32. The Preaching of the Magi 32:1 And theyc went forth from there to the every place and preached in perfect love about the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of the Lord of all, even doing mighty works and healings in the name of our Lord, which are unspeakable by the mouth of human beings, through the Holy Spirit that was poured out upon them by the gift of our Lord. 32:2 And they preached the faith of truth, saying and teaching to a Cf. Acts 2:47. Cf. Matt 28:19. c It is unclear whether Judas Thomas joins the Magi in their preaching, since 32:1-2 never states specifically who “they” are. For the OIM, it seems that the Magi follow Thomas in a subservient role: “Finally, after the resurrection of the Lord, when the Apostle Thomas went into that province, they joined him, and having been baptized by him, they were made assistants of his preaching.” The reference to the Holy Spirit being poured out could suggest that it is the Magi alone who preach, since they have just received it in their baptism, but this statement in no way definitively excludes Judas Thomas. b 135 Chapter 1B—English Translation of the Revelation of the Magi everyone: “Flee from the darkness and come to the light that does not pass away, so that you may live and have refuge under the wingsa of our Lord Jesus, our savior and our great refuge on the last day, from the fearsome judgment of fire that will come suddenlyb to purify the entire earth from error, which has ruled over it in its deceit. 32:3 And you shall be delivered by faith from the heat of the fire and shall enter that rest that is prepared for all the chosen and the believers who have believed in the child of perfect light, and in eternal life, in the kingdom of myc Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of the Lord of all, in his heavenly majesty, in his new world, and in his heavenly and great and never-passing-away light, and in his glorious rest. And you shall rest forever and ever, amen and amen.” 32:4 The story about the Magi and their gifts has finished.d Cf. 21:11. This is the first and only reference to a final judgment of fire that appears in the RevMagi, and it is not clear from whom the Magi received this information. The concept of a fiery end of the world exists in a number of ancient sources (cf. 2 Pet 3:7, 10). One related text is the reference of Josephus (Ant. 1.68-69) to the descendants of Seth who live in the land of Seiris and transmitted a revelation from Adam that two catastrophes, one of water and one of fire, would overtake the earth. c The use of “my” here is strange, if it is assumed that the Magi (and Judas Thomas?) are preaching together. It may indicate that the preachers are working separately in different parts of the land of Shir, but this is never stated explicitly. d Cf. 1:1 and corresponding note. This final verse almost certainly derives from the eighth-century composer of the CZuq, and not from the exemplar of the RevMagi that was used. b a 136 Chapter 2—Parallels and Problems: Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi Chapter 2 Parallels and Problems Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi I. Introduction In this second chapter, the first of four major analytical chapters on the Revelation of the Magi (henceforth RevMagi), the task is to compare the Syriac text of the RevMagi as it is preserved in the late eighth-century Chronicle of Zuqnin (henceforth CZuq) with the only other known text from antiquity that contains a form of this narrative about the Magi. This second text is the Opus Imperfectum in Matthaeum (henceforth OIM), an anonymous commentary on the Gospel of Matthew generally believed by scholars to have been written in the fifth century by an Arian theologian, but which many medieval Christians ascribed to John Chrysostom. Whereas the Syriac text of the RevMagi is quite a lengthy document, the author of the OIM relates a much shorter version of this narrative in the course of his comments on the Magi pericope from the Gospel of Matthew. Comparing the contents of these two texts, along with what is known about the circumstances under which they were composed, sheds significant light on some of the key stages in the transmission history of the RevMagi. However, apart from this benefit, looking at the texts side-by-side may serve as a corrective to the temptation of scholars to harmonize the two sources inadvertently. Because there has never been a systematic comparison of the texts from the CZuq and the OIM, it has been easier to view these two witnesses as practically interchangeable. This situation has resulted, on several occasions, in the dissemination of erroneous 137 Chapter 2—Parallels and Problems: Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi information about the specific contents of the narrative in one witness or the other.1 Although it is indeed true that the two narratives overlap significantly, they are by no means identical. Therefore, the heart of this chapter is a synoptic comparison of the OIM narrative, here translated into English for the first time, with the English translation of Syriac text of the RevMagi that constituted the previous chapter in this study. This comparison reveals that the OIM is a witness to a Greek version of the same basic text found in the CZuq. Despite the fact that the narrative in the OIM is significantly shorter than the Syriac text from the CZuq, there is no compelling evidence that the received Syriac is drastically later or longer than the lost Greek exemplar used by the OIM. Although the Greek was not identical to the Syriac version in all its details, the Greek version known by the OIM was almost certainly translated from Syriac. Such a conclusion is very probable because the OIM mentions the arrival of the Apostle Thomas in the land of the Magi — an episode that is indisputably Syriac in its origin—at the end of its narrative, indicating its presence in the Greek exemplar. A comparison of these two witnesses, therefore, demonstrates that by the time of the For example, in his article arguing for a Persian background of Matt 2:1-12, A. Hultgård summarizes the texts from the CZuq and the OIM in a single harmonized narrative. He remarks, “According to the legend related in Opus imperfectum and Chronicle of Ps. Dion. the magi gather every year after the threshing festival,” but an annual gathering after the threshing festival only occurs in the OIM. Furthermore, “On the mountain there is a cave with springs of water and beautiful trees,” is a description clearly derived from the OIM. In the version from the CZuq, there is a single fountain surround by trees, but it is on the foothills of the mountain, whereas the cave is on the peak of the mountain. See the summary of Hultgård in Magi Persian Background, 221-222. Even W. Witakowski, who provides a much more accurate summary of the Syriac text, errs in ascribing to the text the information that the Magi journeyed for two years, a detail that only appears in the OIM and that the Syriac text most definitely does not imply (cf. 16:7); see his Magi in Syriac 2007, 3. 1 138 Chapter 2—Parallels and Problems: Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi OIM’s composition in the fifth or sixth century, slightly different recensions of this Magi narrative were circulating in at least two languages. Before proceeding with the close comparison of these two narratives, it is worthwhile to devote some attention to the origins of the OIM and its impact on medieval Christian piety, since it is through this document that the RevMagi entered the European religious consciousness. II. An Overview of the Opus Imperfectum and its Reception The “opus imperfectum in Matthaeum,” literally the “incomplete work on Matthew,” is a commentary on the Gospel of Matthew arranged in a series of homilies, with its remarks on the Magi coming in the second homily. A serious difficulty inherent in comparing the OIM with the RevMagi is that scholarship on both documents still is at a relatively basic stage. Although the OIM has a far richer transmission history than that of the RevMagi, this is not necessarily an advantage, for the manuscript situation is exceedingly complicated. While research on the OIM appears to be entering a decisive new stage with the preparation of a critical edition by J. van Banning in the Corpus Christianorum Series Latina,2 for the time being scholars must remain content with the form of the text as it appears in Migne’s Patrologia Graeca (PG 56, cols. 637-638). It is beyond the scope of the current project to undertake a 2 The initial volume, published in 1988, treats only the transmission of the text and not its contents, save for a few introductory remarks, Opus Imperfectum, v-xv. It is not clear in what state of completion the edition as a whole is, however. 139 Chapter 2—Parallels and Problems: Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi collation of the OIM’s witnesses containing the summary of the RevMagi,3 so more definitive results on possible variants in the form of the narrative preserved in the OIM must necessarily await the completion of van Banning’s monumental task. Despite the difficulties surrounding the transmission history of the OIM, there is a relatively solid consensus regarding the commentary’s ultimate origins. The OIM appears to have been the product of an Arian theologian from the mid-to-late fifth century (with a few scholars opting for a sixth century date), though it eventually became identified as the work of John Chrysostom, an attribution that ensured the document’s acceptability and its entry into medieval European religious culture.4 The debates over the precise form of the author’s theology5 are less important for the present inquiry than the question of its provenance, as this assists greatly in understanding the nature of its sources. Van Banning postulates its place of origin as “somewhere south of the Danube, in a province of the Roman empire like Illyricum or Dacia or Moesia.”6 He bases this conclusion on the facts that the author is a native Latin speaker with secondary competency in Greek and that he seems to have been in some proximity to Constantinople, since he is aware that philosophy began to be taught there through the force of an imperial edict in 425.7 The references to Constantinople and to the literature circulating in this city are very helpful for the 3 Van Banning’s preliminary work demonstrates that different manuscript families have preserved separate sections of the commentary; see his helpful diagram, ibid., xv. I have attempted to contact him in the hopes of learning more about the representation of this narrative in the different witnesses, but have not been successful. 4 Ibid., v. 5 While the majority sees the author as an Arian, F. Schlatter has offered a dissenting opinion in his “The Pelagianism of the Opus imperfectum in Matthaeum,” VC 41 (1987): 267-284. 6 Opus Imperfectum, v. 7 Idem. 140 Chapter 2—Parallels and Problems: Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi present project, for it thereby becomes quite probable that the summary of the RevMagi known by the author of the OIM derived from a Greek original housed in the capital city.8 How this text became associated with John Chrysostom is not known, but in the approximately two hundred MSS that contain the OIM, all but three of them ascribe it to Chrysostom.9 This attribution doubtlessly contributed to its enormous popularity,10 and perhaps even its survival. By the middle of the sixteenth century, however, scholars had generally concluded that the OIM was not an authentic work of Chrysostom. Pope Paul IV, who instituted the Index Librorum Prohibitorum in 1559, regarded the OIM as heretical and consigned it to the list.11 Nevertheless, despite having strong doubts about its authenticity, Erasmus included it in his 1530 edition of the works of Chrysostom, “especially because,” as he says, “it is the product of a man who is so erudite, eloquent, and trained in divine letters that indeed, in my opinion, he is not inferior to Chrysostom in this respect,” (praesertim cum sit hominis eruditi et facundi in divinis literis sic exercitati, ut mea quidem sententia hac in parte non cedat Chrysostomo). 12 The esteem in which medieval theologians held the OIM facilitated the dissemination of its strange narrative about the Magi into European culture. The 8 Van Banning remarks: “A reference to a sermon which was preached by Eunomius in the cathedral of Constantinople (Ib, 323-327), a sermon about which we know also from elsewhere, shows that the author was acquainted with stories which were told in Constantinople,” ibid., v-vi. 9 The three MSS not attributing it to Chrysostom transmit it anonymously, ibid., vi. 10 See M.A. Screech, Magi and Star, for a short discussion of the OIM’s great popularity in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance: “Perhaps the strangest of all the considerations we have to bear in mind when treating of Mediaeval, Renaissance and post-Renaissance attitudes to the Magi is the truly enormous influence on the Western Church of the work of Pseudo-Chrysostom known as the Opus imperfectum in Matthaeum,” 388. 11 Ibid., 389. 141 Chapter 2—Parallels and Problems: Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi reception history of the Magi narrative from the OIM up through the early modern period stretches in a multiplicity of directions, so a full accounting of it is not possible here, as desirable as such a project remains.13 In the thirteenth century, however, the Magi narrative was incorporated into the Legenda Aurea of Jacobus de Voragine, which enjoyed immense fame throughout the Middle Ages as a compendium of saints’ lives. It also formed much of the basis for one of the major medieval compositions about the Magi, the Historia Trium Regum by Johannes de Hildesheim.14 Yet the success of this narrative was not simply confined to the arena of popular entertainment. For example, Thomas Aquinas appeals to the Magi legend of the OIM in the third part (Question 36, Article 5) of his Summa Theologica as evidence that it was suitable for Christ’s birth to be manifested by means of a star, since the Magi knew about the star’s coming through the Sethian books and were waiting attentively for it. The narrative also became an object of artistic representation. One of the earliest printed books, the Speculum Humanae Salvationis (1324) by Vincent de Beauvais, includes an image of three kings lying prostrate below a star containing a young boy and a cross.15 There are also two paintings, one by Rogier van der Weyden (d. 1464), the other by his a member of his For the full Latin text of Erasmus’ 1530 preface to the works of Chrysostom, see Opus Imperfectum, 343. Unless otherwise noted, all translations in this chapter are my own. 13 See however, R.C. Trexler, Journey of Magi, 124-157, for discussion of the ways in which the Prester John legend contributed to the earliest European efforts of exploration and colonization in the Americas. Although Trexler does not explicitly make this connection, it is clear that the OIM has played a role (though several times removed) in this process. 14 For the Latin and Middle English text of this narrative, see The Three Kings of Cologne (ed. F. Schaer; Heidelberg: Universitätsverlag C. Winter, 2000). 15 See two versions of this image in H. Kehrer, Drei Könige, 2:211, 213. 12 142 Chapter 2—Parallels and Problems: Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi school, that show the Magi bathing in their sacred spring and standing in awe of a luminous infant enclosed in a star.16 III. A Synopsis of the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi A. Text and Translation of the Opus Imperfectum Narrative Having briefly discussed the origins and importance of the OIM, a thoroughgoing comparison of the OIM and the RevMagi necessarily begins by presenting the Latin text of the narrative found in the OIM, accompanied by an English translation: Liber apocryphus nomine Seth. Mons Victorialis.—Audivi aliquos referentes de quadam scriptura, etsi non certa, tamen non destruente fidem, sed potius delectante, quoniam erat quaedam gens sita in ipso principio orientis juxta Oceanum, apud quos ferebatur quaedam scriptura, inscripta nomine Seth, de apparitura hac stella, et muneribus ei hujusmodi offerendis, quae per generationes studiosorum hominum, patribus referentibus filiis suis, habebatur deducta. Itaque elegerunt seipsos duodecim quidam ex ipsis studiosiores, et amatores mysteriorum caelestium, et posuerunt seipsos ad expectationem stellae illius. Et si quis moriebatur ex eis, filius ejus, aut aliquis propinquorum, qui ejusdem voluntatis inveniebatur, in loco constituebatur defuncti. Dicebantur autem magi lingua eorum, quia in silentio et voce tacita Deum glorificabant. Hi ergo per singulos annos, post messem trituratoriam, ascendebant in montem aliquem positum ibi, qui vocabatur lingua eorum Mons Victorialis, habens in se quamdam speluncam in saxo, fontibus, et electis arboribus amoenissimus: in quem ascendentes, et lavantes se, orabant et laudabant in silentio Deum tribus diebus, et sic faciebant per singulas generationes, exspectantes semper, ne forte in generatione sua stella illa beatitudinis oriretur, donec apparuit eis descendens super Montem illum Victorialem, habens in se formam quasi pueri parvuli et super se similitudinem cruces: et loquuta est eis, et docuit eos, et praecepit eis, ut These paintings today reside, respectively, in the Gemäldegallerie in Berlin and the Cloisters Museum in New York. For discussion of these artistic witnesses to the Magi narrative of the OIM, see J. Duchesne-Guillemin, “Die drei Weisen aus dem Morgenlande und die Anbetung der Zeit,” Antaios 7 (1965): 234-252. 16 143 Chapter 2—Parallels and Problems: Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi proficiscerentur in Judaeam. Proficiscentibus autem eis per biennium praecedebat stella, et neque esca, neque potus defecit in peris eorum. Caetera autem quae gesta referuntur ab eis in Evangelio compendiose posita sunt. Tamen cum reversi fuissent, manserunt colentes et glorificantes Deum studiosius magis, quam primum, et praedicarunt omnibus in genere suo, et multos erudierunt. Denique cum post resurrectionem Domini Thomas apostolus isset in provinciam illam, adjuncti sunt ei, et baptizati ab eo, facti sunt adjutores praedicationis illius. Apocryphal Book under the Name of Seth. Victorious Mountain.—I have heard some referring to such a writing, even if it is not beyond dispute, nevertheless not ruining the faith, but charming (it), seeing that there was a certain race situated at the very beginning of the East near the Ocean, who had possession of a certain writing having been inscribed with the name of Seth, concerning this star which was going to appear, and (concerning) what sort of gifts to offer it, which was carried out through generations of studious people, with the fathers handing down to their sons. And so they selected from themselves twelve more studious ones and lovers of the celestial mysteries, and they set before them the expectation of that star. And if someone from them died, his son or one of his relatives who was found of the same inclination was set up in place of the dead one. And they were called Magi in their language, because in silence and with a silent voice they glorified God. Therefore, during every year, after the threshing harvest, they went up a certain mountain placed there, which was called in their language the Victorious Mountain, having in it a certain cave in the rock, most pleasant, with fountains and choice trees, going up into which, and washing themselves, they were praying and glorifying God in silence for three days. And they did thus for each generation, always waiting, that by chance in their generation that star of blessing might appear, until it appeared to them coming down above that Victorious Mountain, having in itself a form like a little boy and above it (or perhaps above him?) the likeness of a cross. And it was speaking to them, and it taught them and instructed them to set out for Judea. And while they journeyed for two years, the star went ahead, and neither food nor drink ran out from their pouches. And otherwise the deeds that were rendered by them have been expressed briefly in the Gospel. However, when they had returned, they continued worshiping and glorifying God even more studiously than before, and they preached to all in their race and they instructed many. Finally, after the resurrection of the Lord, when the Apostle Thomas went into that province, they joined him, and having been baptized by him, they were made assistants of his preaching. 144 Chapter 2—Parallels and Problems: Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi B. Synoptic Comparison of the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi Despite the brevity of the OIM as compared with the extant Syriac form of the RevMagi, the relationship between the two texts is hardly straightforward. The OIM clearly draws from the same basic story contained in the RevMagi, in some places agreeing with the Syriac in nearly verbatim fashion. Yet, it also displays some variation in the narrative details shared with the Syriac, and in a few cases its account has no commonality with the extant RevMagi. Since the agreements and disagreements between the two texts are rather complex, it is advisable to go through the text of the OIM phrase by phrase, comparing it to the Syriac. In so doing, the OIM text will be listed first in italics, followed immediately by its Syriac parallels (if any exist) in bold and their verse citations. A discussion of the relevant matters for each section will also be included. § Apocryphal Book under the Name of Seth. Victorious Mountain. The precise form of this introductory title to the narrative in the OIM does not occur in the RevMagi. Because both elements of the title appear elsewhere in the summary, they will be discussed more fully below. It is quite understandable that the first part of the title should refer to the Sethian writing, since it is this writing that is under discussion, but the reasons for including the name “Victorious Mountain” in the title are not especially clear. § I have heard some referring to such a writing, even if it is not beyond dispute, nevertheless not ruining the faith, but charming (it). These editorial comments by the author of the OIM 145 Chapter 2—Parallels and Problems: Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi are unparalleled in the RevMagi, which is simply inserted into the chronological framework of the CZuq at the requisite time without any evaluative remarks. These comments from the OIM are quite valuable, as the RevMagi has so little in the way of reception history, but are difficult to interpret. Two interrelated points seem to emerge from this statement: first, the origins of the work are not secure; second, despite this lack of certainty about its authenticity, it should not be seen as a threat to Christian belief, but as a pleasant tale. The circumstances under which the author became acquainted with the work are rather opaque, but a likely scenario is that the author had met individuals — that is, the “some” — who viewed this work quite positively, and perhaps even considered it to be authentic (though whether this means authorship by Seth, the Magi, or both will be considered momentarily). The author of the OIM, in contrast, appears somewhat skeptical of these claims of authenticity, but judges the work to be a delightful and inoffensive composition, posing no threat to Christian faith. It remains unclear both who the “some” might be and why the work might be considered as potentially damaging by others, if this is indeed why the author stresses its harmlessness to Christian belief. The phrase non certa, while easy to translate, is quite ambiguous and yet has great significance for the relationship between the OIM narrative and the Syriac text of the RevMagi. A key issue is whether this means that the books possessed by the Magi were of dubious (Sethian) authorship, or whether the entire story related in the OIM has disputed origins. It seems better to understand quadam scriptura...non certa as 146 Chapter 2—Parallels and Problems: Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi referring to the narrative as a whole and not simply the Sethian book. If this interpretation is correct, then it raises the question of what, precisely, is non certa about this writing. It is very tempting to read this as evidence that the narrative known by the author of the OIM was, like the Syriac RevMagi, presented as the authentic testimony of the biblical Magi. However, it is also conceivable that non certa simply refers to the historical veracity of the work in a general sense, and not to the question of the work’s purported authorship. § there was a certain race situated at the very beginning of the East near the Ocean. These are kings, sons of Eastern kings, in the land of Shir, which is the outer part of the entire East of the world inhabited by human beings, at the Ocean (2:4). The RevMagi in several places refers to the Magi as a specific race unto themselves (cf. 9:1, 21:9), but in the passage closest in form to that of the OIM, they are simply called kings, a designation never attested in the OIM (though only found rarely in the RevMagi; cf. 1:2 and 18:5, and the accompanying notes ad loc.). However, both texts are in remarkably close agreement on the physical location of the Magi’s land as furthest east in the inhabited world, despite the OIM never referring to the land as “Shir” or by any other proper name. Such a locale for the homeland of the Magi is only known from these two works, as opposed to more popular exegetical options in ancient Christian literature, such as Persia or Arabia. 147 Chapter 2—Parallels and Problems: Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi § who had possession of a certain writing having been inscribed with the name of Seth. And it was given to Seth to set down in a book (3:2). Both sources are in agreement that Seth is responsible for the books which the Magi possess. Though the RevMagi never expressly says that the name of Seth was written on the books, this is likely nothing more than a turn of phrase by the OIM denoting Sethian authorship. Unlike the RevMagi, the OIM never explicitly states that the reason the Magi have this writing is because they are descended from Seth. § concerning this star which was going to appear. Wait for the light that shines forth to you from the exalted East of the majesty of the Father, the light that shines forth from on high in the form of a star (4:2). The prophecy of a star appearing is naturally a major component of the RevMagi’s narrative; the first mention of this prophecy is spoken by the fathers of the present generation of Magi, who serve as the narrators of the firstperson plural section of the RevMagi. Later in the narrative it becomes clear that this prophecy derives from a revelation given to Seth by Adam (6:2). § and (concerning) what sort of gifts to offer it. And you will offer him your gifts (4:9); And we took that entire treasure that was deposited in the cave, letters having been sealed in which it was placed (14:2); And we opened our hidden treasures, and they being sealed, we took them and came near the treasure of salvation, who is sealed with heavenly majesty (18:7). The Magi’s fathers refer several times to gifts which are to be 148 Chapter 2—Parallels and Problems: Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi brought to where the star leads them. The phrase from 14:2, “letters having been sealed in which it [i.e., the treasure] was placed,” is difficult to interpret and could be corrupt; but based upon the information in 18:7, it seems as if the “letters” denote containers of some sort that housed the gifts. However, the text of the OIM at this point would appear to imply that the Sethian writings had directives for the Magi about what specific gifts were to be offered. In contrast, the RevMagi never mentions any such directives (unless 14:2 indicated this and became garbled in transmission), and indeed, never shows enough interest in the significance of these gifts even to identify them as the familiar gold, frankincense, and myrrh of Matt 2:11. § which was carried out through generations of studious people, with the fathers handing down to their sons. And the [books,] and the mysteries, and the speech were handed down in succession by tradition even until our fathers. And they learned and received with joy, and handed them down to us ourselves, and we also kept with love and fear their mysteries of the books and the secrets and the words (3:6-7). Both texts agree that the Sethian books of revelation are transmitted hereditarily, yet the OIM refers to the participants on several occasions as studiosus, language for which there is no exact parallel in the RevMagi (though cf. the Magi as “wise men” in 2:1 and the phrase “love to learn” in 5:9, immediately below). § And so they selected from themselves twelve more studious ones and lovers of the celestial mysteries, and they set before them the expectation of that star. The names of the wise men 149 Chapter 2—Parallels and Problems: Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi and kings were called as follows: Zaharwandad son of Artaban; Hōrmizd son of Sanatruq; Auštazp son of Gudaphar; Aršak son of Mihruq; Zarwand son of Wadwad; Arīhō son of Kosrau; Artahšišat son of Hawīlat; Aštanbōzan son of Šīšrawan; Mihruq son of Humam; Ahširaš son of Sahban; Nasardīh son of Baladan; Merōdak son of Bīl (2:3); And what we read and heard from the revelation, when we returned, descending in joy, we said to and instructed our sons, our families, and everyone who gave themselves with love to learn (5:9); We also taught the people of that country, those who gave themselves to the love of revelation to learn with joy (5:11). One important parallel between the OIM and the RevMagi in this section is the use of the term “mysteries” by the OIM to describe the system of knowledge of the Magi, since the RevMagi uses “mysteries” no less than twenty-five times in this sense. However, the relationship between the OIM and the RevMagi is problematic here on several counts. First of all, in a strange case of interrelation, the OIM states that there are twelve Magi in number, while the RevMagi never provides a precise number for the order of the Magi, but its patronymic list of the Magi’s names in 2:3 numbers twelve. Thus, it is unclear whether the OIM knows a list of twelve Magi’s names, or simply a tradition that they numbered twelve. It would seem to be more probable that a specific number for the Magi had priority in the tradition, and specific names were only supplied later.17 However, there are also several traces in the RevMagi of an alternative tradition that the Magi were a quite large, numerically unspecified group (cf. note at 16:2), an idea suggested nowhere in the OIM narrative. 150 Chapter 2—Parallels and Problems: Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi The second problem is that the OIM states that the fraternity of the Magi is a smaller selection from the race as a whole, apparently based on the merits of their knowledge. In the RevMagi, the Magi and their families do not constitute all the inhabitants of the land of Shir; other people not biologically related to the Magi live there as well, as 5:9 implies and 5:11 makes clear. Additionally, the RevMagi is not entirely consistent on whether the order of the Magi is restrictive; there is some language of hereditary succession (as will be seen immediately below), but in 5:9 and 5:11 the text seems to indicate that membership is open to anyone who desires instruction. § And if someone from them died, his son or one of his relatives who was found of the same inclination was set up in place of the dead one. And if it will chance and one of us shall pass away, we will raise up his son or one of the sons of his family [in his place,] as when we succeeded our fathers, until the time of the coming of the star has been fulfilled (5:10). On the point of hereditary succession, the OIM and the RevMagi are in clear agreement, despite the fact that the RevMagi elsewhere seems to envision a lessexclusive membership (see the preceding paragraph). § And they were called Magi in their language, because in silence and with a silent voice they glorified God. An account of the revelations and the visions, which the kings, [sons of kings,] of the great East spoke, who were called Magi in the language of that land 17 This appears to have been what happened in the better known tradition of the three Magi. The names Caspar, Melchior, and Balthazar appear for the first time in a sixth-century document, whereas artistic 151 Chapter 2—Parallels and Problems: Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi because in silence, without a sound, they glorified and they prayed (1:2); And so, there were those wise men, who were called Magi in the language of the land because in silence, without a sound, they praised the God of all, that one who, by his word and will, has come to be all that is, all that exists and arises, and all that is going to be (2:1). This sentence is without a doubt the most striking parallel of the OIM to the RevMagi, as the agreement is nearly word for word. Both note that the title “Magi” is a word-play in their native tongue related to their practice of praying in silence, though neither source offers any explanation for this enigmatic etymology or any rationale for the practice of silent prayer. While the author of the OIM only indicates that he has heard (audivi) of this writing, the remarkable overlap in phrasing strongly suggests that he had some first-hand contact with it. § Therefore, during every year, after the threshing harvest. And we went up to the Mountain of Victories, and when we were all assembled at the foothills of the mountain from each one’s dwelling place, we remained in one place for purification on the twentyfifth day of every month (5:2). This phrase marks one of the key disagreements between the OIM and the RevMagi, namely the frequency of the Magi’s ritual. While the OIM treats the ritual as an annual occurrence, for the RevMagi it is monthly, lacking any reference to a harvest. It is not at all clear why the OIM places the ritual of the Magi after the harvest. Neither version necessarily suggests itself as a more original form of the narrative, although the RevMagi has the Magi’s ritual occupying a far more substantial amount of time, approximately a third of every month (cf. 5:6 and representations depicting three Magi occur earlier than this (cf. the note at 2:3 in the English translation). 152 Chapter 2—Parallels and Problems: Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi corresponding note). It is also significant that the Legenda Aurea of Jacobus de Voragine, which incorporated the summary of the OIM, reads: “Year after year the chosen twelve went up once a month to the top of the mountain of victory,”18 and thus agrees with the frequency of the ritual in the RevMagi. The fact that the Legenda Aurea ascribes a monthly incidence to the ritual of the Magi strongly suggests that some versions of the OIM must have had this wording instead of that found in the edition of Migne. § they went up a certain mountain placed there, which was called in their language the Victorious Mountain. And those books of hidden mysteries were placed on the Mountain of Victories in the east of Shir, our country (4:1); And we went up to the Mountain of Victories (5:2); And that mountain was altogether incomparably more beautiful and desirable than all the mountains in our land, and the smell of all sweet spices effused from it, and the dew that was sprinkled was a sweet smell (5:5). The agreement of both sources on the tradition of a mountain sacred to the Magi is remarkable, but even more striking is the parallel between the names of the respective mountains. Still, the OIM slightly differs from the RevMagi on two points regarding the Magi’s sacred mountain: a) it is called the “Victorious Mountain” in contrast to the RevMagi’s “Mountain of Victories,” though the strong similarity between the titles is another possible indication that the author of the OIM had seen a version of the RevMagi firsthand; b) it indicates that this name is, like the title “Magi,” derived from the Magi’s 18 Jacobus de Voragine, The Golden Legend: Readings on the Saints (trans. W.G. Ryan; 2 vols; Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993), 1: 80. 153 Chapter 2—Parallels and Problems: Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi indigenous language, a point not mentioned in the RevMagi. Beyond these differences, the RevMagi version also spends more time discussing the physical attributes of the mountain, as well as placing it in the extreme east of the land of Shir. § having in it a certain cave in the rock, most pleasant, with fountains and choice trees, going up into which, and washing themselves, they were praying and glorifying God in silence for three days. And we bathed in a certain spring that was on the foothills of the mountain, and it is called “The Spring of Purification.” And seven trees stood over it: an olive, a vine, a myrtle, [a cypress,] an orange, a cedar, and a juniper (5:3-4); And when it became the first of the month, we ascended and went to the top of the mountain and stood before the mouth of the Cave of Treasures of Hidden Mysteries. And we knelt on our knees and stretched forth our hands to heaven, and we prayed and worshiped in silence, without a sound, to the Father of that heavenly majesty that is ineffable and infinite forever. On the third of the month we entered the cave up to the treasures that were laid up to be ready as the [gifts] of the star and for the adoration of that light that we awaited (5:6-8). Here the OIM and the RevMagi share several key topographical details, but also diverge on several points. First and foremost, the OIM seems to envision fountains and trees within the cave on top of the mountain,19 but for the RevMagi the spring and its trees are at the foothills of the mountain, while the Cave of Treasures of Hidden Mysteries is located at the mountain’s peak. The fountains (fontibus) and trees (arboribus) are in the ablative case, which does not, by itself, explain whether they are on the mountain or within the cave specifically. However, the Magi then are said to ascend in quem and wash themselves; with the use of in plus the accusative case, this can only mean that the Magi went into the cave to wash themselves. 19 154 Chapter 2—Parallels and Problems: Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi Second, the order of the ritual specified in the OIM does not agree exactly with the RevMagi, which has the Magi immerse themselves in the spring on the twenty-fifth of every month, ascend the mountain and stand before the cave’s entrance on the first of the month, and enter the cave on the third. The RevMagi, unlike the OIM, does not specify the length of time that the Magi remain in the cave. Yet both texts agree on the Magi’s prayer in silence, even if the OIM places this action inside the cave and the RevMagi has it before the entry into the cave, as well as on the fact that the ritual takes several days to accomplish. § And they did thus for each generation, always waiting, that by chance in their generation that star of blessing might appear. And we received the laws and commandments from our fathers, and we taught all the mysteries, and we reminded our sons: “Perhaps in your days the coming of the light of this star will happen, as we received and learned from our fathers” (5:1). Here there is almost no difference between the content of the OIM and the RevMagi, as both texts convey that the Magi’s ritual was handed down through the ages, with the understanding that the star could appear at any time. However, the OIM’s phrase “star of blessing” is noteworthy; this exact wording is never replicated in the RevMagi, but the RevMagi does make reference to “blessing(s)” that come from the star/Christ six times. § until it appeared to them coming down above that Victorious Mountain, having in itself a form like a little boy and above it (or perhaps above him?) the likeness of a cross. And we saw 155 Chapter 2—Parallels and Problems: Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi [lacuna] in the form of an ineffable pillar of light descending and it came to rest above the water. And we were afraid and shook when we saw it. And we cannot speak about the brilliance of the star of light, since its radiance was many times greater than the sun, and the sun could not stand out before the light of its rays (11:4-5); And you will see a great and amazing sign, God appearing in the bodily form of a human being, unsightly, poor, imperfect, frail, lowly, even the sign of the cross appearing upon him. And you will go before him with love and joy, taking with you your gifts, and you will worship in the presence of the child, despised, poor, and killed (4:8). While the OIM and the RevMagi agree that the star makes its first appearance over the Magi’s sacred mountain, there is less accord on the description of the star, and the similarities that they do share occur in different narrative contexts. The evaluation of both witnesses is also made difficult by the presence of grammatical ambiguities. Since the OIM uses the masculine pronoun se, it is unclear whether the “likeness of the cross” is above the boy who appears in the star, or above the star itself. Similarly in the RevMagi, the preposition could be taken to mean either that the “sign of the cross” is upon the child or above him. Beyond the ambiguity regarding the physical appearance of the star, the two sources do not explicitly agree upon the precise relationship between the star and Christ. The RevMagi does not say that the star contains the shape of a young boy and a cross, but since it envisions the star as the pre-existent Christ, it later changes into the form of a child. It is uncertain whether the narrative of the OIM understands the star as a manifestation of the pre-existent Christ himself; but because a young boy appears 156 Chapter 2—Parallels and Problems: Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi within the star, it seems as if it is not wholly ignorant of this major plot point that occurs in the RevMagi. In brief, the star in the RevMagi is of the same substance as the Christ child, whereas the OIM does not specify whether the star is anything more than a sign pointing the Magi toward the Christ child. Finally, the form of a cross appearing in or above the star is similarly unattested in the RevMagi; the star is accompanied by a pillar of light, but the pillar does not seem to allude to the cross of Christ.20 As mentioned above, there is also in 4:8 a cryptic reference to the “sign of the cross” appearing on or above the child, yet here the reference is to the child at Bethlehem and not to the star itself. To summarize, it is difficult to harmonize exactly the information of the OIM and the RevMagi, yet each witness indicates in its own fashion some sort of correspondence between the star and the Christ child. § And it was speaking to them, and it taught them and instructed them to set out for Judea. And (something) like the hand of a small person drew near in our eyes from the pillar and the star, at which we could not look, and it comforted us. And we saw the star enter the Cave of Treasures of Hidden Mysteries, and the cave shone beyond measure. And a humble and kind voice made itself heard by us, which called out and said to us: “Enter inside without doubt, in love, and see a great and amazing vision.” And we were encouraged and comforted by the message of the voice (12:4-5); And I am going up with you and am a guide for you on the entire journey that you are 157 Chapter 2—Parallels and Problems: Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi traveling, seeing signs, glorious wonders, and great victories upon the entire earth. And you will see the completion of all the mysteries in Jerusalem, and everything that was spoken with you will come true for you (13:11). On this point, the OIM and the RevMagi are practically in complete agreement. Both agree that the star has the ability to speak to the Magi; although, as noted immediately above, it is uncertain whether the OIM identifies the star with the pre-existent Christ, as does the RevMagi. The only minor difference concerns the fact that the name “Judea” never appears in the RevMagi, which prefers the descriptor “the region of Jerusalem” (cf. 17:1). “Judea” need not have been present in the exemplar known by the OIM, as this term could have easily be derived from the paraphrasing of the author of the OIM. § And while they journeyed for two years, the star went ahead, and neither food nor drink ran out from their pouches. And the star, our guide, our good messenger, our perfect light, our glorious leader, again appeared for us, going before us and upholding our whole caravan from all sides, and enlightening us by its hidden light (16:3); Even our provisions were abundant in our eyes and did not decrease, but rather from one day to another they increased when it came to rest over us with its light (16:5); And he filled our hearts with great joy, and all the (stages) in which we journeyed were short and swift in our eyes, because our victorious sign and our powerful light, which is beyond every human mouth to speak, guided us with its victorious strength (16:7). For this section of the OIM, the RevMagi agrees on two points: the star acts as the 20 The “pillar of light” seems to allude to the “pillar of cloud” found in Exodus. Indeed, at 27:4 the RevMagi even reads “pillar of cloud,” which is probably a scribal error but nevertheless suggests that the 158 Chapter 2—Parallels and Problems: Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi Magi’s guide on their journey, and the Magi’s provisions do not run out. The RevMagi gives more details on this production of miraculous food, explaining that it is facilitated by the star’s light and, later in the narrative, that it plays a crucial role in the inhabitants of Shir’s conversion (see 27:11-28:4). However, the duration of the journey cannot be easily harmonized between the two sources. The RevMagi does not state how much time has elapsed during the journey, but the narrative implies that the trip is miraculously short, certainly not the two years envisioned in the OIM. On this point, the OIM appears to utilize several details from the Gospel of Matthew, since a two-year journey for the Magi could be deduced on the basis of data from Matt 2:7 and 16, an exegetical conclusion also drawn by other ancient Christian writers such as Tatian in his Diatessaron and the Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew.21 § And otherwise the deeds that were rendered by them have been expressed briefly in the Gospel. At this point, the OIM treats in a single sentence events that encompass nine chapters (17:1-25:4) in the RevMagi. This is the portion of the narrative that is, at its foundation, dependent upon Matthew 2:1-12: the Magi’s arrival in Jerusalem and dialogue with Herod and the city’s elders, and their coming to Bethlehem to view the child and meet his mother. Yet, if the OIM’s exemplar is at all similar to the extant Syriac here, then the author’s abridgment is potentially misleading, since there are a number of significant differences between the RevMagi and Matthew’s narrative. scribe understood the pillar in this sense. 21 See the discussion of this interpretative move by W. Bauer, Leben Jesu, 76. 159 Chapter 2—Parallels and Problems: Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi The first point of contact, the scene at Jerusalem in the RevMagi, does not contain any radical departures from Matthew’s plot. It does omit Herod’s “slaughter of the innocents,” but this exclusion makes sense given the narrative perspective of the Magi, who would not necessarily know of this event. The differences are more important at Bethlehem, where the Magi not only witness the child’s birth (if one may call the star’s metamorphosis into human form a birth), but also experience this event in a cave, of which Matthean infancy narrative says nothing (18:1-8). Furthermore, the OIM omits the divine child’s commissioning of the Magi as witnesses to his Gospel, arguably the narrative center of the RevMagi (19:1-21:12). And finally, it says nothing of the meeting between the Magi and Mary and Joseph, a meeting that serves to clarify the importance of the child’s birth and the reasons for Magi’s arrival in Bethlehem over and against his parents’ misunderstandings (22:1-25:4). There are several different ways to account for the omission in the OIM of these important alterations and expansions of the basic Matthean plot by the RevMagi. Two possible solutions are either that the OIM’s exemplar was defective for this section, in which case the OIM’s author surmised what was missing, or that the OIM’s version of narrative did, unlike the Syriac text of the RevMagi, indeed follow Matthew quite faithfully at this point. However, neither of these solutions is especially attractive because of their radical natures. In order to accept one of these proposed solutions, one would need to assume that the exemplar of the OIM was sharply divergent from the received Syriac, either because it was a mutilated copy (in which case the author of the OIM was deliberately concealing this fact) or because it scrupulously followed the 160 Chapter 2—Parallels and Problems: Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi Matthean infancy narrative (which would easily be the most significant disagreement between the two witnesses). Additionally, the use of the adverb compendiose (“briefly”) to describe the gospel account could indicate an awareness by the author that the portion of his exemplar that overlapped with Matt 2:1-12 was significantly longer and more detailed than the Magi story as recounted in Matthew. If, instead, the exemplar of the OIM did agree with the RevMagi, then at least two other possibilities arise: that the author chose to omit these details for reasons of brevity, or that he believed they were objectionable on theological grounds, although what these grounds might be is unclear. Since the RevMagi and the OIM thus far have shown remarkable agreements in spite of their minor divergences, these two possibilities are more plausible as explanations than the first two offered. Of the latter two, it seems to be wiser to opt for a less conspiratorial reason for the author of the OIM’s omission of these narrative details: his overall agenda was to produce a solid exegetical commentary on Matthew, not to offer an extremely precise analysis of this apocryphal tradition. While it is not inconceivable that the author of the OIM was so embarrassed by this section of the RevMagi that he decided to gloss over it altogether, it is more conceivable that the author, constrained by the commentary genre, chose not to dwell any longer on a narrative that was of only limited significance for his larger project on Matthew’s Gospel. § However, when they had returned, they continued worshiping and glorifying God even more studiously than before, and they preached to all in their race and they instructed many. And we 161 Chapter 2—Parallels and Problems: Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi journeyed on all (our stages) with his glorious signs until we came to our borders, and all our families, children and a multitude of the people of our land came out to meet us. And when they heard that we had come, they met us with great joy and received us, rejoicing, and exulting, and glorifying. And they marveled at our appearance and the health of our entire encampment. And when we went to them, they assembled and came before us. And we began to speak and narrate for them about how our ascent took place (27:1-3). Here the OIM reports two events: the continuing, yet more intense, worship of God by the Magi after their journey home, and their preaching to and instruction of their kinsfolk. The first of these events does not find an exact parallel in the RevMagi, for it is the people of Shir and not the Magi themselves who rejoice at the group’s return. The second event is much more clearly replicated in the RevMagi, although the OIM does not contain the detail from the RevMagi that it is the Magi’s food which ultimately allows the people of Shir to experience Christ’s presence (28:1-4). § Finally, after the resurrection of the Lord, when the Apostle Thomas went into that province, they joined him, and having been baptized by him, they were made assistants of his preaching. When, again, Judas Thomas went down there by the will of our Lord when he sent him, again the faith increased all the more in those who heard, through the many mighty works and signs that Judas Thomas, the apostle of our Lord, was doing there. And when the nobles had heard that Judas had gone there, as the light that appeared to them had said, they gathered together and went to him to meet with him in prayer 162 Chapter 2—Parallels and Problems: Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi and faith (29:1-2); And he baptized them in the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit (31:1); And Judas said to them: “Therefore, my brethren, let us fulfill the commandment of our Lord, who said to us: ‘Go out into the entire world and preach my Gospel.’ So, my brethren, be you also preachers of the Word like us, because you have also received the gift of our Lord. Also go out to every place and preach the gift of our light and of our savior generously to everyone,” (31:10); And they went forth from there to the every place and preached in perfect love about the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of the Lord of all, even doing mighty works and healings in the name of our Lord, which are unspeakable by the mouth of human beings, through the Holy Spirit that was poured out upon them by the gift of our Lord (32:1). The OIM is generally in agreement with the concluding episode from the RevMagi. The inclusion of this episode in the OIM is especially significant (and indeed, problematic) for tracing the literary development of this narrative about the Magi since, as the third chapter of this study will argue, the Judas Thomas episode is a redactional addition to a pre-existing Magi pseudepigraphon. As regards the task of comparing the OIM with the witness of the Syriac text, however, there are several ambiguities in the Syriac version of the RevMagi. The first of these is not serious: the RevMagi provides no specification for how much time has elapsed between the Magi’s journey and the arrival of Judas Thomas; but unless it has a radically different understanding of primitive Christian history, the timing of the Apostle Thomas’ visit is surely to be understood as post-resurrectional, in keeping with the account of the OIM. 163 Chapter 2—Parallels and Problems: Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi A second discrepancy is that the extant Syriac refers to the apostle as Judas Thomas, or more often simply as Judas, whereas the OIM only calls him by the name Thomas. The former is a designation found in Syriac texts like the Acts of Thomas or documents suspected of having an origin in the environs of Syria like the Gospel of Thomas and the Book of Thomas the Contender, while the latter is the Apostle’s more commonplace name found in both Greek and Syriac works.22 The third problem concerns whether the Magi are merely commissioned to preach by Judas Thomas, or whether they actually accompany the Apostle in his preaching. The account of the OIM seems to imply the second of these by referring to the Magi as the “assistants of his preaching,” but the RevMagi is less clear on this point. The commissioning speech of Judas Thomas in 31:10 uses the potentially inclusive phrase “let us” at the beginning, but the concluding imperatives (“go out,” “preach”) and the modeling of Judas’ directive on Jesus’ “Great Commission” from Matt 28:1920 suggest that the Magi are being sent forth to preach on their own. The account of the preaching that follows in the final chapter of the RevMagi does not help much one way or another, since the third-person plural subjects of the verbs are not specified. 32:1 contains the phrase “through the Holy Spirit that was poured out upon them by the gift of our Lord,” which would seem to fit the newlybaptized Magi better than Judas Thomas. But this is not definitive, and the fact that the direct quotation of this group’s preaching in 32:2-3 has a fair amount of content not attested earlier in the RevMagi does not help to identify its speakers with precision. 22 For a fuller discussion of the name “Judas Thomas,” see the note at 29:1 in the English translation. 164 Chapter 2—Parallels and Problems: Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi In sum, the data does not point persuasively in one direction, either for Judas Thomas and the Magi working together or for the Magi working alone. However, given the parallel of this scene in the RevMagi with Jesus’ “Great Commission,” it is not unreasonable to suspect that the RevMagi concludes with the Magi preaching alone. In contrast, the phrase “assistants of his preaching” in the OIM suggests that it envisions Thomas and the Magi working in tandem, though the OIM provides no indication of how this version of the narrative actually ended. IV. Theorizing the Relationship between the Opus Imperfectum and the Received Syriac Revelation of the Magi Having completed the preceding close comparison of the OIM narrative with the extant Syriac text of the RevMagi, the task remains to state as specifically as possible the relationship between the two documents. Two scholars have offered theories on this relationship, and both of them have been quite cautious in their conclusions. The first scholar, U. Monneret de Villard, regarded the OIM as a summary of a larger Urschrift but believed that the received Syriac of the RevMagi had undergone some expansions, particularly the addition of the lengthy speeches. However, he stressed that this was simply his initial impression and that even this expanded form of the text had several archaic features and lacked any evidence of later christological debates with Monophysites or Nestorians.23 23 Monneret de Villard describes his assessment as follows: “Ho l’impressione (ed insisto su questo termine) che l’archetipo doveva essere molto più succinto e scheletrico di quanto non sia la redazione della Cronaca: e che su questa ossatura si siano poi innestati i lunghi discorsi che danno allo scritto un carattere quasi di omelia. E questa rielaborazione, anteriore certo al secolo VIII, non è forse tanto vicina 165 Chapter 2—Parallels and Problems: Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi More recently, W. Witakowski has argued for a similar relationship between the OIM and the Syriac text, though he has modified his theory to some degree. In an unpublished paper presented in 1995, Witakowski advanced in brief form an argument for the Syriac text as an accretion of an earlier document represented by the OIM: The presence of the Liber apocryphum nomine Seth in a fifth-century commentary on Matthew suggests that a Syriac Urschrift of the Story of the Magi [i.e., the RevMagi] existed at the latest in the middle of the fifth century. As the Story differs from the Liber by verbosity rather than by actual narrative material we can conclude that whereas the Liber is a summary of the otherwise unknown original apocryphon, the Story, as preserved in the Chronicle of Ps.-Dionysius, written ca. 300 years later than the Liber, is an expanded version. The composition of this version may be hypothetically dated to the sixth or seventh century.24 In his analysis, Witakowski was persuaded by the analogy of the Abgar legend in its two extant forms: “the Teaching of Addai, which in its earliest form is known from a Greek source (Eusebius' Church History), whereas the known Syriac Doctrina Addai is a composition developed and expanded later.”25 However, in a revised version of this article completed in 2007, Witakowski somewhat modified the thesis cited above, having been convinced in the course of his Polish translation and commentary on the RevMagi26 that the received Syriac should be dated no later than the end of the fifth century: all’epoca di redazione della Cronaca di Zuqnin, in quanto molte caratteristiche e forme delle fin troppo lunghe disquisizioni teologiche mi sembra siano assai arcaiche, come la terminologia applicata tanto a Dio Padre quanto al Figlio, e l’indicazione del battesimo amministrato in una fonte, come quello dell’eunuco della Candace per mano dell’apostolo Filippo, o l’importanza data all’olio dell’unzione nel rito battesimale da avvicinarsi a concetti analoghi negli Atti di s. Tomaso. Noto inoltre la mancanza di ogni accenno di polemica antimonofisita od antinestoriana, ma l’accenno alle gerarchie angeliche,” Leggende Orientali, 52-53. 24 Magi in Syriac 1995, 3. I am grateful to the author for providing me with this version of the paper in 2003, and for giving me the revised and expanded version earlier this year. 25 Ibid., 3 n.15. 26 W. Witakowski, ‘Syryjska Opowiesc o Magach’, przeklad i opracowanie, [The Syriac Story of the Magi, transl. (into Polish) with a commentary],” in Apokryfy Nowego Testamentu: Ewangelie apokryficzne, czesc 1: Fragmenty, narodzenie i dziecinstwo Maryi I Jezusa [New Testament Apocrypha: Apocryphal Gospels, I: Fragments, Nativity and childhood of Jesus and Mary], (ed. M. Starowieyskiego; Kraków: Wydawnictwo 166 Chapter 2—Parallels and Problems: Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi As the Story differs from the Liber in its verbosity rather than in the actual narrative material, one might conclude (emphasis added) that whereas the Liber is a summary of the otherwise unknown original apocryphon, the Story, as preserved in the Chronicle of Ps.-Dionysius written c. 300 years later than the Liber, could be (emphasis added) an expanded version....It seems, however, that one may move the date of its [i.e., the RevMagi] composition to an earlier epoch on the grounds that the author of the Story deals with the Holy Spirit as a feminine being.27 As Witakowski observes, over the course of the fifth century Syriac Christians began to adopt the Greek linguistic convention of a masculine Holy Spirit, a practice that makes it very unlikely that the RevMagi was composed or even underwent any editorial changes after ca. 500 CE.28 However, despite arguing for an earlier date of composition for the RevMagi, Witakowski does not address the question of whether this change in his thesis affects his understanding of the literary relationship between the exemplar used by the OIM and the received Syriac of the RevMagi. Monneret de Villard and Witakowski are to be commended for their efforts at elucidating this complicated textual relationship, and both rightly argue that the testimony of the OIM is strong evidence for both an earlier Syriac form and a Greek recension of the RevMagi.29 Nevertheless, there is a key difficulty shared by their respective theories, a difficulty that may suggest that the Greek exemplar of the OIM and the received Syriac from the CZuq are not drastically different in length or content. The major shortcoming is that while both scholars recognize the OIM narrative as a summary of a lost apocryphon and not the actual text of this document, they both WAM, 2003), 352-383. This document is also available online at: http://www.opoka.org.pl/biblioteka/T/TB/apokryfy-08.html (under section d.). 27 Magi in Syriac 2007, 5. 28 Ibid, 5-6. 29 Monneret de Villard observes, “[L]’esistenza di questo riassunto ci obbliga a risalire anche prima di questa data, per tener conto del tempo necessario perchè l’originale siriaco fosse tradotto in greco, cioè in una lingua accessibile all’anonimo autore di quell’opera [i.e., the OIM], che non dimostra in nessun’altra sua pagina una conoscenza della letteratura o della lingua siraca,” Leggende Orientali, 67-68. 167 Chapter 2—Parallels and Problems: Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi conclude, with a lack of any compelling proof, that the extant Syriac is more verbose than the non-extant version represented by the OIM. Monneret de Villard believes that the lengthy discourses are the main redactional element, but he never explains precisely why he suspects the discourses to be later than the rest of the received Syriac.30 Witakowski does not argue for a specific feature of the Syriac as redactional, but instead compares the OIM/RevMagi relationship with that of a pair of texts well-known in Syriac studies, namely the Abgar legend as found in Eusebius and the Doctrina Addai.31 Each scholar appears to be operating under the assumption that ancient Christian texts, as a rule, start out short and only over time become longer and more complex, a rule that often proves correct, though not in all cases. While Witakowski is indeed in agreement with the scholarly consensus that the Doctrina Addai represents a secondary stage in the Abgar legend,32 he has not demonstrated convincingly that this material is the best analogue for understanding the prehistory of the RevMagi. A better illustration of the connection between the OIM summary and the extant Syriac version of the RevMagi perhaps is found, not in the Abgar legend, but in the textual history of the apocryphal Acts of Andrew (henceforth Acts Andr.). While the late second/early third century Greek form of the Acts Andr. has not survived in its In the case of Witakowski, Magi in Syriac 2007, 5, he follows van Banning’s arguments for the OIM’s familiarity with Greek sources in the environs of Constantinople, Opus Imperfectum, 5-6. 30 Leggende Orientali, 53. 31 Magi in Syriac 2007, 5 n.15. 32 In the case of the Doctrina Addai, however, part of the reason that it is regarded as later is the presence of a legend about the discovery of the True Cross that appears in other sources no earlier than the fifth century, as demonstrated by M. van Esbroeck, “L’opuscule sur la Croix d’Alexandre de Chypre et sa version géorgienne,” Bedi Kartlisa 37 (1979): 102-132. In contrast, no portion of the received Syriac of 168 Chapter 2—Parallels and Problems: Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi entirety, it was utilized by Gregory, the sixth century bishop of Tours, in his Book of the Miracles of the Blessed Apostle Andrew.33 Gregory tells his readers that he possessed a copy of the Acts Andr. and revised them to eliminate their verbositas. Based on the extant Greek fragments of the Acts Andr., it appears that the primary objects of Gregory’s redaction were the lengthy — and probably heterodox in Gregory’s eyes — speeches by Andrew and other characters. Because the difference in length between the OIM and the RevMagi is dependent in large part on the presence in the latter of several protracted speeches, the author of the OIM may have excised them for either doctrinal or space considerations. This study has critiqued the theses of Monneret de Villard and Witakowski and has suggested that these theories do not offer solid reasons to suspect that the narrative as a whole has undergone significant redaction beyond the exemplar of the OIM. The narrative in the OIM seems instead to be the summary of a much larger work, a summary that has omitted a great deal of the narrative detail and dialogue present in the RevMagi but far less in the way of essential narrative content. While Gregory of Tours’ treatment of the Acts Andr. seems a fitting analogue for the OIM/RevMagi relationship, it is still quite uncertain why the author of the OIM abbreviated the text to such a great extent. It does not strain credibility to suggest that this abbreviation of the source material had to do with nothing more than the constraints of space: the author was writing a commentary on the entirety of Matthew’s Gospel, so dwelling any longer on the RevMagi can be assigned a date later than the fourth century on the basis of comparison with other traditions. 169 Chapter 2—Parallels and Problems: Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi an interesting, but ultimately ancillary, text would likely have been counterproductive. However, neither is it possible to leave doctrinal considerations out of the discussion altogether: as an Arian theologian, the author may have been disturbed by the speeches of the Son (13:1-12; 19:1-9; 21:2-11) and the Father (15:1-10), which repeatedly stress their ultimate unity.34 Even if the author himself was not greatly troubled by the content of the larger work that he summarized, his initial comments about the work being charming and not detrimental could indicate that he had the sensitivity of other, unnamed parties in mind. V. Differences and Similarities in the Syriac and Greek Recensions of the Revelation of the Magi While the reasons for the brevity of the OIM’s account compared with the extant Syriac text are in the end unknowable, it seems advisable to understand the former as a summary and not a shorter version of the apocryphon in and of itself. Nevertheless, the task remains to assess as clearly as possible the similarities and differences between the existing Syriac and hypothetical Greek forms of the RevMagi on the basis of the detailed synopsis provided above. At the most generic level, the Syriac and Greek share a tripartite narrative structure: a) a “background” section which explains the location and origins of the Magi’s race, along with their system of knowledge and ritual practice; b) the coming of the star and the Magi’s journey to 33 34 See the comments of J.-M. Prieur and W. Schneemelcher in NTA, 2:103-104. However, as van Banning notes, the author is not generally concerned with specific doctrinal matters: “The Opus Imperfectum is not in the first place a polemical work: the author tries to give a good exegetical commentary according to the standards of his time. He complains thus often about the 170 Chapter 2—Parallels and Problems: Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi Judea and back; and c) the meeting of the Magi and the Apostle Judas Thomas. However, this formal agreement does not tell us whether the Greek, like the Syriac, narrated the majority of the story in the first-person plural (i.e., from the perspective of the Magi themselves), since the OIM’s author summarizes the narrative in the third person. If the author of the OIM’s editorial remark about the document being non certa refers to its purported authorship at the hands of the Magi, then the Greek would have been a pseudepigraphon as well, but this is far from clear.35 Moving to the specifics of the two narratives, there are certainly differences between the Greek and Syriac, yet even these divergent points are often quite remarkable for the ways in which they do agree. A few key examples from the previous comparison will suffice here. Both documents make reference to twelve Magi, though the OIM specifically uses the word “twelve” and the Syriac has a list of twelve names. Both give the name of the Magi’s sacred mountain, but in the Greek it is “Victory Mountain” and “Mountain of Victories” in Syriac. Finally, both know that this mountain has a cave, trees, and a spring (or springs for the OIM), even if the Greek has the springs and trees inside of the cave upon the mountain and the Syriac places them at the foothills of the mountain and locates the cave at the peak of the Mountain of Victories. If these differences are so striking in the degree to which they overlap, then the points of close verbal agreement become all the more noteworthy. Two in particular general hostile climate against the Arians, rather than theorizing about what the general tenets of the Arians were,” Opus Imperfectum, vii. 35 For a more detailed analysis of this issue, refer back to the discussion above in section III.B about the preliminary editorial comments of the author of the OIM, including the phrase non certa. 171 Chapter 2—Parallels and Problems: Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi bear repetition: the claim that the word “Magi” is derived, in their native language, from their practice of silent prayer, and the location of their homeland at the very beginning of the East, bordering the great Ocean. These instances, especially the first, strengthen the supposition that the author of the OIM actually had seen a copy of the Greek recension at some point and had not merely heard an overview of the story from someone else. From the aggregate of the divergences and convergences of the two documents, then, it seems wise to suggest that the hypothetical Greek form of the RevMagi did not differ drastically from the extant Syriac.36 The incidents of variation may indicate that the RevMagi was, at some point in antiquity, popular enough to exist in multiple textual recensions united in basic structure but pluriform in their narrative details, even if such witnesses are now lost. Given the dating of the OIM as mid-to-late fifth century, this then becomes the terminus ad quem for a Greek version of the RevMagi. Because of the presence of Judas Thomas, the apostle par excellence in Syrian tradition, it is almost certain that the original language of the received form of the RevMagi was Syriac and not Greek. Therefore, some time must have elapsed between the document’s inception and its translation into Greek, and perhaps also between its translation and its arrival in the environs of Constantinople, if that is where it was discovered by the author of the OIM Though it is theoretically possible that the points at which the OIM diverges from the Syriac version are the work of the author of the OIM himself and were not contained in the Greek recension itself, this idea seems quite dubious. Again, it should be stressed that the discussion of the Magi narrative in the OIM is only a minor portion of the overall work, so it is unlikely that the author would devote an inordinate amount of time to revising in numerous and idiosyncratic ways the narrative as he found it in his Greek exemplar. 36 172 Chapter 2—Parallels and Problems: Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi (assuming that the translation from Syriac to Greek did not take place in Constantinople). In consideration of these factors, the Syriac probably originated no later than the middle of the fourth century, possibly even earlier, with a Greek translation coming into being not long after. VI. Conclusion This chapter has undertaken the most thorough comparison to date of the received Syriac text of the RevMagi and the narrative from the OIM in the history of research upon this unusual apocryphon. The synopsis of these two witnesses reveals that, although they have some differences in narrative details, the OIM and the extant Syriac overwhelmingly agree on the major plot points of the text. In contrast to the work of previous scholars who believed that the received Syriac suffered significant interpolations in comparison with the exemplar of the OIM, this chapter has argued that there are compelling reasons to view the Greek recension used by the OIM and the received Syriac text as generally equivalent. However, thus far the analysis of the relationship between the extant Syriac and the presumed Greek version has approached the tripartite narrative structure that they share as a unified composition. In spite of this, the basic form common to both appears to have already (that is, prior to the incorporation of the narrative into the OIM in the mid-to-late fifth century) undergone a significant interpolation: the grafting of a meeting between the Magi and Judas Thomas onto a pre-existing first-person testimony of the Magi. In the next chapter of this study, the task is, first, to present the 173 Chapter 2—Parallels and Problems: Comparing the Opus Imperfectum and the Syriac Revelation of the Magi evidence for understanding the Judas Thomas material as redactional, and second, to describe the earliest recoverable form of the RevMagi and its context within early Christian history and theology. 174 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi Chapter Three The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi I. Introduction Although the witness of the Opus Imperfectum in Matthaeum (henceforth OIM) demonstrates, as shown in the previous chapter, that the Revelation of the Magi (henceforth RevMagi) existed in slightly different Syriac and Greek recensions by approximately the middle of the fifth century, it does not offer any clues as to the shape of the text earlier than this point in time. If the RevMagi underwent any significant redaction prior to the fifth century, the only evidence for any interpolation would be the received Syriac text itself. In this chapter, the first task is to isolate and analyze any major redactional sections of the extant Syriac RevMagi, and if the first task bears out, then to describe the literary shape and historical context of the most archaic layer of the RevMagi. This chapter argues that in the third or fourth century, the RevMagi underwent a significant redaction. This redaction grafted an episode about Judas Thomas, narrated in the third person and having no independent existence apart from this redaction, onto the pre-existing first-person account of the Magi’s encounter with Christ. This earlier Magi pseudepigraphon, in turn, shares a peculiar literary relationship with an archaic infancy gospel preserved in Latin and Irish sources. The first-person RevMagi probably was composed in the late second or early third century, a hypothesis based partly on its relationship with this archaic infancy gospel and partly on its apparent function as a sophisticated piece of Christian apologetic literature—the personal testimony of the first Gentile witnesses to the manifestation of Christ. 175 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi II. The Judas Thomas Episode of the Revelation of the Magi: Its Redactional Character and Origin in Syriac Christianity A. Overview This chapter is divided into two major sections: the first of these analyzes the Judas Thomas episode (henceforth JTE), while the second treats the pre-existing Magi pseudepigraphon (henceforth MPseud), onto which the JTE was grafted. The present section will: 1) review the narrative contents of the JTE; 2) present the evidence that the JTE is a redactional addition to the MPseud; and 3) argue that origins of the JTE were in a Syriac Christian milieu similar to that which produced the Acts of Thomas (henceforth Acts Thom.). B. The Judas Thomas Episode: A Review of its Contents Before presenting the evidence for the JTE as a later, redactional element of the RevMagi, it will be helpful to summarize this portion of the narrative. Compared with the first-person plural portion of the RevMagi, the JTE is rather short, only encompassing the final four chapters of the RevMagi. The Christ child has proclaimed to the Magi at Bethlehem that he will send “disciples” to them, (19:6; 21:5) but there is no indication of who these might be until Judas Thomas arrives in the land of Shir. The narrative offers practically no context for when and how Thomas reaches the homeland of the Magi. Presumably, he arrives as the result of a post-resurrection commissioning by Jesus (as in the narrative from the OIM), though this is never 176 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi specified. Neither is it said where this missionary journey fits into the overall scheme of Thomas’ travels, if indeed other missionary campaigns took place, since none are mentioned. The RevMagi relates that when Judas Thomas arrives in the land of the Magi, he causes the faith of the inhabitants to increase, because of the miracles that he performs. When the Magi (in this section called “nobles,” 29:2) hear of his arrival, they realize immediately that he must be one of the disciples about whom the Christ child had spoken. They go to where he is staying and remain with him for several days, telling him of all the events that they had experienced on their journey from Shir to Bethlehem. Judas realizes from their account that “the gift of our Lord had overflowed upon them,” (29:4) and he relates for them his own experiences of Christ. Like those of the Magi, Judas’ experiences of the Lord during his earthly ministry were suffused with miraculous occurrences and Christ’s constantly-changing appearances, experiences so unprecedented that Judas and the other disciples struggled with “doubt of the mind” (29:4). After Judas’ testimony, the Magi all glorify God together, and they seek from Judas to receive “the seal of our Lord” (29:5). Early on Sunday morning, Judas brings the Magi to a spring so that they may receive the baptismal sealing. He first takes oil and sings a hymn of thanksgiving over it (30:2-9). Though it is presumable — if indeed the RevMagi is following the Syrian order of initiation — that the next event is the chrismation of the Magi, the narrative does not 177 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi explicitly mention this step in the ritual.1 Judas baptizes the Magi through full immersion; and when they come up from the water, a luminous child descends from heaven and proclaims to the Magi the fulfillment of their ancient mysteries. Falling down in fear, they look up again and see the heavenly figure, this time in the form of a glorious youth. The youth produces a loaf of bread, gives thanks, and then distributes it, first to Judas, then to each one of the Magi (31:2). Christ then goes up to heaven again, and at his departure Judas glorifies him in a speech, to which the Magi, as new believers, respond with a short statement of praise (31:3-8). After an unspecified amount of time has passed and many more “brethren” (31:9) have been converted to the faith, Judas commissions the Magi to go forth into the whole world to preach the Gospel (31:10). They depart to preach about the coming of Christ, also performing healings and miracles in Christ’s name by means of the Holy Spirit, which they received in their baptism. The RevMagi concludes with a quotation of the missionary proclamation of the Magi, wherein they encourage their hearers to seek refuge “under the wings of our Lord Jesus” (32:2) from the coming judgment of fire upon the earth, since those who believe in him will find deliverance from the fire and eternal rest in his heavenly kingdom (32:2-3). 1 For analysis of the structure of baptism in Syriac-speaking Christianity, see G. Winkler, “The Original Meaning of the Prebaptismal Anointing and Its Implications,” Worship 52 (1978): 24-45; S.P. Brock, The 178 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi C. Redactional Features of the Judas Thomas Episode Although there are several instances in the RevMagi where one may suspect that once-distinct traditions have been integrated into the text,2 the most obvious tension by far is that between the personal testimony of the Magi, which encompasses most of the RevMagi, and the final section detailing the coming of the Apostle Judas Thomas to Shir (29:1-32:3). The JTE, when considered in the context of the RevMagi as a whole, represents an abrupt shift in the narrative and is unlike much of the material that precedes it in several ways. In particular, three key aspects of this concluding section raise suspicion: the change in narrative perspective, the presence of unprecedented vocabulary and terminology, and the anticlimactic quality that this finale possesses as compared with the story as a whole. 1. First Redactional Element: A Change in Narrative Perspective The first and perhaps most noticeable way that the JTE departs from the prior narrative is through its shift in voice. While the bulk3 of the foregoing story was told in the first person plural, that is, from the perspective of the Magi, the JTE is related by an unidentified third-person narrator. However, the question of where the first-person Holy Spirit in the Syrian Baptismal Tradition (Bronx, NY: Fordham University, 1979). 2 The patronymic list of names of the Magi in 2:3 is also probably redactional; see the note below in II.C.1 and the note in the English translation ad loc. for arguments that this set of names is an interpolation. 3 The beginning of the RevMagi is also narrated in the third person, from 1:1 until 3:6 at the latest. However, the redactional elements there are quite slight compared to those found in the Judas Thomas episode, and this early section of the narrative may very well presuppose the Magi as narrators, even if this is not explicit until 3:6. See the more detailed discussion of the beginning of the RevMagi at the end of section II.C.1. 179 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi narration ends and the third-person begins — and thus where redactional tampering has occurred — is by no means straightforward and requires some detailed explanation. This transition in narrative perspective actually begins just prior to the appearance of Judas Thomas. When the Magi return to their homeland and meet their country-folk in 27:1-2, the narration is still unquestionably in the first person plural, though this will be the last explicit incidence of it outside the confines of quoted direct speech. In 27:3, the Magi begin to relate the experiences of their journey to the people of Shir, but this is certainly not presented as direct speech, but rather as indirect discourse. This much is clear from the use of the preposition “about” no less than eight times; however, the deployment of indirect speech is an unusual move, given the document’s fondness for lengthy direct quotations.4 This indirect discourse contains the sequence of events from the Magi’s setting-out from Shir under the star’s guidance up through the divine child’s appearance in the Bethlehem cave. However, between 27:4 and 27:8 the indirect speech seems to shift back to direct discourse to narrate the occurrences from the epiphany in the Bethlehem cave until the Magi’s return to Shir. This portion of the text is ambiguous, since it refrains from the use of indirect discourse markers like “about” and uses the first-person plural narrative style familiar from earlier in the text, but still lacks any irrefutable indicators of direct speech. It is only in 27:9-11, in the Magi’s exhortation to the people of Shir to eat the provisions created by the star, that the direct discourse is clear, since this final section of the 4 Cf. 29:4, however, where “about” is used five times in Judas Thomas’ summary of the earthly Jesus’ activity among his disciples. This suggests that perhaps such summaries are a trait of the redactor. 180 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi Magi’s speech includes several instances of the pronoun “you” and imperatives, both directed at the country’s inhabitants. Strictly speaking, this section of indirect/direct discourse, while grammatically challenging, does not necessarily demonstrate a clear transition in overall narrative point of view from first person to third person. Even so, not only does chapter 27 mark the final instance of unambiguous first-person plural narration, as mentioned above, but the difficulty of distinguishing between direct and indirect speech in this chapter may also be an indication that editorial activity has begun to commence. It is only in chapter 28 that consistent third-person narration begins. The beginning of this chapter, however, consists of a series of speeches given the inhabitants of Shir describing their visions (28:1-4), and it is unclear whether the document has truly shifted into third-person narration yet.5 In 28:4, the possessive pronoun “our” occurs, which could be taken as evidence that first-person narration is still in effect. But since it modifies “Lord,” the pronoun most likely does not refer to the Magi, and rather should be understood in the more usual reverential sense of “our Lord,” a phrase not found earlier in the RevMagi that will require further discussion below. In 28:4b-5, though, there is no doubt the text has commenced a new mode of narration: “And there was great joy in the entire land of the East, and the nobles, and the poor, and women, and children from the entire land were gathered together in the love of our Lord before those nobles who were called Magi. And they [i.e., the people of the land] came and heard from them [i.e., the Magi] the new and glorious teaching, 181 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi and the mysteries, and the revelations, and everything that was spoken with them from that first day that they went out from their land until they came back in joy.” This section not only presents a crystal-clear instance of third-person narration, but also gives the very strange implication that the Magi, the central protagonists of the story, would need any words of introduction at this late stage in the narrative. What is more, 28:4b-6 as a whole seems to repeat in third-person form the events at the Magi’s return to Shir that just occurred in 27:1-28:4a. Taken together, the peculiarities in the second half of chapter 28 strongly suggest the presence of a less-than-skillful redactional hand. With the end of chapter 28, the RevMagi brings to a close the happenings that transpired before the Apostle’s arrival; and yet, it is almost as if his presence is already felt before he arrives on stage, as the narrative perspective moves away from the Magi. Before proceeding to the second redactional feature of the JTE, it is important to address here another apparent shift in narrative voice within the RevMagi, a shift that takes place in the first several chapters of the text. The RevMagi seems to begin in third-person narration and only takes up an indisputable first-person perspective in 3:6. Yet unlike the JTE, there is little reason to suspect that the majority of this introductory content was the work of someone other than the author of the first-person plural narrative. As the discussion below of the third redactional feature will demonstrate, the removal of the JTE would hardly be missed in terms of plot progression. The loss of 1:1-3:6, in contrast, would mean the absence of key pieces of information like the connection of the Magi’s name to their distinctive and oft-mentioned practice of silent 5 Even if this section is actually narrated in the third person, which is not entirely certain, it seems quite unlikely that it is part of the redaction in which the JTE was added. This is because its form bears an 182 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi prayer, their location in the land of Shir in the Far East, their ancient descent from Adam’s son Seth, and the preservation of Seth’s knowledge through their lineage. This third-person section therefore is crucial for understanding what will follow in the firstperson narrative, and were the RevMagi to begin at 3:6, it would make for a very confusing incipit. The only portion of 1:1-3:6 that has no continuing significance in the later narrative is the patronymic list of the twelve Magi in 2:3, and it seems likely that it represents an interpolation as well. Not only are the names never used again in the story, but since this list also appears in works by a number of other Syriac writers,6 a later compiler (whether the one responsible for the creation and integration of the JTE or someone else) may have incorporated them. Although such a proposal necessarily remains speculative, it seems rather likely that the introductory section (with the absence of the Magi’s names) originally belonged to the first-person narrative. It may have been the work of a redactor to change first-person material into the third person, but it is also quite conceivable that the apparent third-person beginning was actually original to the first-person narrative. Though first-person narration only becomes unambiguous in 3:6, there is nothing in the preceding portion of the document to render narration by the Magi impossible, since it is at 3:6 that the present generation of Magi become active in the storyline. In unmistakable resemblance to the Magi’s diverse visions of 14:3-8. 6 See the table of authors in Magi in Syriac 2007, 30-33. Recall that the OIM states that there were twelve Magi, but says nothing of their names. This may suggest the source of the OIM’s summary already included the names, but it is just as conceivable that a tradition of twelve Magi originated first, and the names were a secondary development. For further discussion of the connections between the OIM and the Syriac text of the RevMagi on the number/names of the Magi, see chapter two, section III. 183 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi any case, the beginning of the RevMagi underwent far less revision than did the original ending of the document through the insertion of the JTE. 2. Second Redactional Element: Introduction of New Vocabulary and Terminology As mentioned above, from 29:1 through the end of the document, namely from Judas Thomas’ appearance in Shir through his dismissal of the Magi to preach throughout the country, narration occurs in the third person. Unlike the transitional situation in chapters 27 and 28, these final four chapters lack virtually any traces of ambiguity in either narrative voice7 or modes of discourse, and are quite coherent from a grammatical point of view. Nevertheless, the JTE further reveals its difference from earlier material through the deployment of unprecedented vocabulary and terminology. The first and most significant innovation is the use of the name “Jesus Christ” and its appositive “our Lord.” The two initial instances of these designations8 appear just prior to the JTE, however, in 28:4 (“our Lord,” as mentioned above) and 28:6 (“our Lord Jesus Christ”). The use of this name and title are an abrupt departure from the previous descriptors used for this figure, who goes by a multitude of epithets — “the Son,” “our guide,” “our messenger,” “our light” — but never by the familiar name of 7 The qualifier “virtually” is needed because of one curious first-person phrase in 29:4: “and about his astounding appearances, about which we are not able to narrate, since he was always appearing to us so that we were amazed by him, and we stood in the outpouring and in the doubt of mind, since no one had ever appeared in such a way in the days of the world.” The “we” at this point, however, are definitely not the Magi, but probably Jesus’ disciples, since here Judas is recounting for the Magi his own experience with the polymorphous Jesus. It is possible that here a careless copyist has slipped back into first-person narration due to the similarity of this phrasing to previous passages. 8 Technically, the term “Christ” is found much earlier in the RevMagi, at 17:3, 6 (excluding its use at 1:1 in the title provided by the author of the CZuq). In chapter 17, however, it is used as one of several titles for the being whom the Magi seek, and not in conjunction with the proper name “Jesus” (as it almost always occurs in the JTE). 184 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi Jesus. In contrast, the terms “Jesus,” “Christ,” “our Lord,” or some combination of these occur on eighteen separate occasions within the relatively short JTE. Of course, the author of the first-person section was certainly not ignorant of these names and title and their significance for Christian believers, since the copious references to Christian texts demonstrate quite clearly the religious sympathies of the author.9 However, the author of the first-person section seems to have been very careful to make the Magi’s testimony to the Christ-event as devoid of explicitly Christian terminology as possible, whereas the author of the JTE has apparently shown no interest in such an agenda. Apart from the use of the name “our Lord Jesus Christ,” there are at least two other clusters of vocabulary in the JTE that deserve comment. The first group occurs within the hymn sung by Judas immediately before he baptizes the Magi (30:1-9). It consists of several terms — “athletes,” (‫ܐ‬ ( ̈ ‫“ )ܐܬ‬contest,” ( ‫ )ܐܓ‬and “crowned” ) — not found elsewhere in the RevMagi, but familiar to specialists in Syriac literature owing to their frequent appearance in ascetically oriented contexts.10 There will be more to say about the literary parallels to and possible ritual setting of this hymn in the next subsection of this chapter. For the moment, however, it is enough to note that this ascetic terminology would be much more at home in the Acts Thom., where 9 See chapter four for an analysis of the use of Jewish and Christian scriptural traditions in the RevMagi. However, as noted below in section III.C and in the introduction to this study, much of the previous scholarship on the RevMagi has viewed the text as only nominally Christian, with strong remnants of Iranian traditional religion. In contrast to this view, this study regards the popularity of this theory (still echoed by some of the most recent research on the RevMagi) evidence that the Christian author of the RevMagi has been wildly successful in his attempt to write a pseudepigraphon from the perspective of non-Christians. 10 See the discussion of this complex of terms in R. Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom: A Study in Early Syriac Tradition (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1975), 15-17. 185 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi celibacy is a major component of the religious message, than in the RevMagi, which makes no discernable case for sexual continence. A third set of peculiar expressions is the descriptors bestowed upon the Magi in this final section. As mentioned above, the first clear indication of third-person narration in 28:4b includes the odd phrase “the nobles who were called Magi.” Other than the document’s final sentence (32:4), which in any case is from the compiler of the CZuq and not from an earlier hand, the central figures of the narrative are never again called “Magi” beyond this point. For the entirety of the JTE, the Magi are referred to either as “nobles” (‫ܐ‬ ‫ )ܪܘ̈ܪܒ‬or “brethren” (‫.)ܐ ̈ ܐ‬ The term “nobles” appears only a handful of times in the entire document: once in reference to some of Jerusalem’s inhabitants (17:2); once as part of Shir’s population gathered together in one place, along with “the poor and women and children” (28:4); and twice as a synonym for the Magi (28:5, 29:2). The epithet “brethren” is both more prevalent and more concentrated, occurring six times within the confines of the JTE and only once elsewhere.11 3. Third Redactional Element: The Judas Thomas Episode as Narrative Excess The third difficulty with the JTE is the rather ill fit between this episode and the plot progression of the story as a whole. If the arguments for redaction were based purely upon narrative elements alone, the case would be relatively weak. However, the possibility of interpolation becomes more likely when the narrative aspects are 11 The sole use of “brethren” outside of the JTE is in Christ’s speech to Mary in 25:4. 186 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi considered together with the textual and literary problems noted in the preceding paragraphs. To recognize this narrative disjunction more clearly, it is helpful to recapitulate some fundamental features of the plot of the RevMagi. From quite early on in the story, it is clear that the long-standing hope of the Magi’s lineage is the appearance of the star, which is imbued with soteriological significance.12 When the star finally appears, the Magi rejoice without measure that they have been blessed by “the coming of the star of light, giving perfect salvation to its believers” (14:10). At the Bethlehem cave, the glorious infant proclaims to the Magi that their ancient mysteries are now at last complete (21:4). Finally, when the Magi return triumphantly to their country, they witness to the inhabitants of Shir and supply them with the means by which they too may receive the visions of the Son experienced by the Magi, leading to the conversion of many in their land (27:9-28:4). In sum: the awaited prophecy is fulfilled, the Magi are party to a wondrous encounter, and these true believers are fully vindicated through the sharing of this event with others. Despite the apparent clarity and resolution of this story arc, however, the received form of the text does not end until Judas Thomas arrives in the land, baptizes the Magi, and commissions them to traverse the world as itinerant preachers. Even so, this is not to say that no groundwork had been laid earlier in the story for the Apostle’s visit; if it were completely unanticipated, the case for redaction would 12 Cf. the words of the Magi’s fathers in 4:9: “And you will offer him your gifts, and you shall receive from him the blessing of salvation and shall partake with him in the joy, which, when he comes with his hidden glory, with his perfect divinity, with his perfect riches that do not pass away, with his new world, with his light that [lacuna], with perfect salvation, which he will give to all [lacuna].” 187 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi be significantly stronger. According to the text as it has been transmitted, in Bethlehem the divine child promises the Magi that he will send “some of my chosen ones who have been chosen by me for your land” to “speak and witness the truth with you” (21:5). Of course, this citation in turn introduces a further problem, namely that multiple apostles are promised and only one arrives.13 Leaving aside this additional difficulty, though, the fact remains that the narrative alludes to the future appearance of Judas Thomas in relatively brief and cryptic fashion, and hardly as a pivotal event of the sort to be compared with the star’s manifestation. Were the above quotation removed from the speech of the divine child or indeed the whole JTE excised altogether, one would be hard-pressed to suspect that something of importance was missing. 4. Possible Motives for the Redaction of the Revelation of the Magi The evidence cited above suggests that the redactor responsible for the JTE not only integrated the closing four chapters into the RevMagi, but in the process, also tampered with the two preceding chapters (i.e., 27-28). It is impossible to say for certain how the first-person narrative might have ended prior to the document’s interpolation. However, given the coherence of the story arc without the JTE and the parallelism between the Magi’s polymorphic visions and those experienced by the people of Shir, it is quite plausible that the story concluded at approximately 28:4a. 13 Cf. also this earlier phrase from the same verse: “And again, you have been deemed worthy to be witnesses for me in the East with my disciples, who were chosen by me before the world existed.” 188 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi Before moving into a discussion of the specific historical and cultural context of the JTE, it is necessary first to address explicitly two interrelated questions raised by the evidence for the JTE as a redactional element of the RevMagi. Namely, how does the JTE alter the overall thrust of the narrative, and why might this redaction have been made to the RevMagi? It is intriguing that the redactor saw fit simply to rewrite the original ending, even in a less than elegant manner, and to add a new ending, rather than taking more drastic measures. If the content of the RevMagi were seriously distressing, a far more thorough revision would have been in order, that is, if the document were deemed worthy of reproduction or survival at all. The fact that there is relatively little redactional material apart from the new ending may indicate that the interpolator approved of the story in general terms. To offer an analogy from a redaction better-known to scholars of early Christian literature, the proposed relationship of the JTE to the rest of the RevMagi is rather like that posited between the so-called “Johannine appendix” of chapter 21 and the rest of the Gospel of John.14 Like John 21, the final section of the RevMagi has terminology not shared by the rest of the document and immediately follows a scene — namely the “Shirian Pentecost” of 28:1-4a — that would serve as a most fitting conclusion for the narrative as a whole. In addition, while there is still some debate about the precise outlook of the Johannine redactor,15 it seems that both the redactor of the Fourth Gospel and the redactor of the RevMagi were not far removed from the 14 For an exhaustive analysis of this chapter and its relationship to the rest of John’s Gospel, see R.E. Brown, The Gospel according to John (2 vols.; Garden City, NJ: Doubleday, 1966-70), 2: 1067-1130. 15 Ibid., 2: 1080-81. 189 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi particular ecclesiological heritage of their predecessors but sought to “clarify” or “improve” the pre-existing product so as to safeguard its perceived true intentions. While the interpolation of the JTE does not represent a major redaction in terms of length, its underlying theme does change the narrative’s resolution significantly. It renders the Magi’s own direct revelatory experience of Christ incomplete, insisting on apostolic authority as the only source by which full initiation into the Christian community can be attained. To be sure, Judas Thomas does recognize by the Magi’s account that “the gift of our Lord had overflowed upon them,” (29:4) but the Magi subsequently view Judas as their superior and seek to be made “partakers with him in the seal of our Lord” (29:5). At its core, this redactional strategy appears designed to “domesticate” a text that might imply the acceptability, indeed, the divine inspiration of Christian communities existing outside the boundaries of ecclesiastical sanction. In the first-person narrative, there is really no need for apostles, since Christ can appear to anyone, in any time, and in any place.16 D. The Judas Thomas Episode as a Product of Syriac Christianity If the preceding analysis is correct and the JTE was originally independent of the MPseud onto which it was grafted, then the JTE represents, despite its redactional character, an important and interesting ancient Christian text in its own right. Several of its features make it likely that the JTE originated in a Syriac-speaking Christian community: the presence of Judas Thomas himself, the apostle par excellence of Syriac 190 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi Christianity; the baptismal rite, which seems to follow the Syrian order of chrismation first, baptism second; and the terminology used in the baptismal hymn sung by Judas Thomas, which has several affinities with hymns from the Acts Thom.17 Since all of these features connect the JTE of the RevMagi with material from the Acts Thom., which scholars widely acknowledge as having originated in a Syriac-speaking milieu, the goal of this subsection is to compare the JTE with the Acts Thom. Exploring the interrelationship between these two texts may provide some clues as to the circumstances of the JTE’s composition, but it also has the potential to shed light on the diversity of traditions about Judas Thomas in antiquity. 1. The Baptismal Hymn in the Revelation of the Magi and the Hymns of the Acts of Thomas A significant link between the JTE and the Acts Thom. has to do not with its content, but instead with its form — or rather, the form of one particular piece of the JTE. The hymn sung by Judas Thomas prior to his baptism of the Magi (30:2-9) is rather lengthy and bears a striking resemblance to the ritual epicleses that are scattered throughout the Acts Thom.18 In an epicletic prayer, the deity is repeatedly exhorted to be present so as to perform some sort of sanctifying function. For the RevMagi and the 16 For a thorough analysis of the theological tension in the RevMagi between a concept of divine revelation not bounded by space or time and the more traditional idea of Christianity spreading through the testimony and authority of human apostles, see the fifth and final chapter of this study. 17 The similarities of the baptism ritual in the RevMagi with that of the Acts Thom. was already recognized by U. Monneret de Villard. See his Leggende Orientali, 53. 18 See the analysis of C. Johnson, Ritual Epicleses, 171-204. 191 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi Acts Thom., this deity is the Holy Spirit, whom Judas Thomas invites to come forth for the purpose of initiating new believers. In the hymn of the RevMagi, the final third, quoted below, constitutes a formal epiclesis: Come, o partner of the first born; Come, o renewer of humanity by the birth to eternal life; and rest upon these believers, the beloved ones of our Lord Jesus Christ, and purify them and sanctify them from all the stains of their bodies, and may they become for you temples for your dwelling and rest for the Son of perfect mercy. And may you perfectly sanctify them with the birth of salvation (30:7-9). The similarities between this prayer and several of those contained in the Acts Thom. are remarkable. Two of its epicleses have been previously analyzed in detail by C. Johnson; one takes place in the context of the baptism of King Gundaphorus by Judas Thomas, (Acts Thom. 27) whereas the other occurs during Judas Thomas’ administration of the eucharist to a recently exorcised woman. (Acts Thom. 50) While other sections of the Acts Thom. contain epicleses, these two are distinctive because they address the Holy Spirit, also the apparent addressee of the prayer in the RevMagi. Since both of these epicleses from the Acts Thom. have some similarities of content to the prayer found in the RevMagi, it is worthwhile to quote them in full.19 The baptismal epiclesis reads: Come, holy name of Christ, the name above every name, Come, power of the Most High and perfect goodness of heart, Come, most high gift, Come, compassionate mother, Come, fellowship of the male, Come, one who reveals the hidden and enigmatic mysteries, Come, mother of the seven houses, that your rest may be in the eighth house, Come, elder of the five members—mind, thought, wisdom, esteem, reason—share with these new ones, Come, Holy Spirit, cleanse their kidneys and their heart, and put a seal upon them in the name of the Father and Son and Holy Spirit. (Acts Thom. 27) The eucharistic epiclesis reads: 19 Translations of the Greek Acts Thom. are those of Johnson; see Ritual Epicleses, 173-174. 192 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi Come, perfect compassion, Come, fellowship of the male, Come, one who knows the mysteries of the chosen one, Come, partaker in all the contests of the noble combatant, Come, silence, one who reveals the splendid things of every height, Come, one who makes known the enigmatic things and who restores the secret things as manifest, holy dove which gave birth to twin nestlings, Come, hidden mother, Come, one who is manifest in her actions and one who grants joy and rest to those who join together in her, Come and share with us in this eucharist which we perform in your name, and share with us in the agape for which we are gathered together at your call. (Acts Thom. 50) In comparison to these two prayers, the baptismal prayer of Judas Thomas in the RevMagi is, admittedly, less “epicletic” than either of them. It has only two instances of the invocation “come,” which occur at the end of the prayer, whereas the two examples from the Acts Thom. are composed entirely of epicletic phrases. Were the presence of the invoking “come” the only point of commonality between these prayers, it would be difficult to make a convincing argument for their origination in the same milieu of early Christianity.20 However, the prayer from the RevMagi also shares with the examples from the Acts Thom. several similarities in terminology, as well as sharing a common addressee. Moreover, the RevMagi’s prayer corresponds markedly to the larger narrative contexts of the two prayers in the Acts Thom., a possible indication that these two literary texts have preserved variations of initiation liturgies used in early Syriac-speaking Christianity. Three linguistic aspects of the prayer in the RevMagi in particular overlap with the prayers from the Acts Thom. First, all three prayers refer to “mysteries”; there is a slight distinction, since in the Acts Thom.’s epicleses the Holy Spirit reveals “hidden mysteries,” whereas the RevMagi seems to name the Holy Spirit as a hidden mystery unto itself. Yet the overlap in terminology is striking. Second, both the eucharistic 20 Such a difficulty would be exacerbated by the fact that the invoking “come” is also a feature of many magical spells from the Greek and Roman world, see Ritual Epicleses, 184-191. 193 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi prayer from Acts Thom. 50 and the RevMagi use athletic imagery, envisioning the new converts as struggling for victory in a contest. This topos, while found in a number of early Christian texts, appears to have been especially resonant in Syriac-speaking circles.21 Third and finally, all three prayers address the Holy Spirit as the “twin” of some entity. While divergent scholarly theories exist as to the identity of the other twin in the prayers from the Acts Thom.,22 it appears that, in the RevMagi, the twin of the Holy Spirit is Christ. The prayer of Judas Thomas in the RevMagi invokes the Holy Spirit as being “in fellowship with Christ” (30:5) and “partner of the first-born.” (30:6) Beyond these linguistic parallels, it is especially significant that the narrative contexts of the RevMagi and the Acts Thom. in which these prayers occur have practically identical formal elements. C. Johnson has identified a sequence of events that take place in scenes of conversion and initiation in the Acts Thom.: “a request for the seal by the convert, the epiclesis, the sealing with oil or laying on of hands, baptism with water, and the celebration of the eucharist with bread, water, and wine.”23 She also notes that several of these scenes also include “a voice or a vision from heaven which confirms that the divine power has responded.”24 This sequence of elements also appears in the RevMagi, with a divine vision occurring immediately after the baptism of the Magi by Thomas. First, after hearing the testimony of Thomas about the earthly career of Jesus, the Magi ask Judas Thomas “to make them partakers with him in the seal of our Lord,” (29:5). At their initiation 21 22 See R. Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom (Rev. ed.; Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias, 2004), 198. See Ritual Epicleses, 203. 23 Ibid., 176. 24 Ibid., 176 n. 8. 194 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi early Sunday morning, Judas takes oil and gives the epicletic prayer over it. As mentioned above, the RevMagi does not mention the specific act of anointing, but the fact that he has said a prayer over the oil makes it extremely probable that this takes place after the epiclesis and before the baptism.25 Judas then baptizes the Magi through full immersion; and when they come up from the water, “a certain child of heavenly light appear[s] to them, who descended from heaven and sa[ys] to them: ‘Peace be with you, sons of all my mysteries. And behold, now all the visions and revelations that you saw from the first day have been accomplished in your birth,’” (31:2). As in the Acts Thom., this appearance of Christ has the function of assuring the new converts that their initiation has been divinely sanctioned. Christ, changing from a child into a young man, provides further sanction by distributing the bread26 of the Eucharist to the Magi and Judas Thomas. The conversion scene from the RevMagi, however, is the only example from this literary complex of the Eucharist being distributed by Christ instead of by Judas Thomas, although in chapter 27 of the Acts Thom. Christ also appears to the initiates as a young man, this time bearing a torch. In addition to the list of features of conversion scenes detailed by C. Johnson, the RevMagi also shares with the Acts Thom. a further parallel. In the conversion scene from Acts Thom. 27, immediately after the torch-bearing Jesus vanishes, the apostle offers a statement of glorification: “Beyond our comprehension, Lord, is thy light, and 25 In a similar situation, the baptismal ceremony in the Acts Thom. 27 does not explicitly mention a baptism by water, but the language of the prayer itself suggests that a water baptism was originally part of this passage. See ibid., p.175, n. 7. 26 Neither wine nor water are mentioned in the account of the eucharist in the RevMagi, an omission that makes it difficult to assess to what degree the RevMagi espoused the kind of ascetic outlook seen in other Syriac Christian texts. 195 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi we are not able to bear it; for it is greater than our sight.”27 In the RevMagi, Thomas also confesses the abounding glory of Christ in a lengthy speech, also directly following the return of Christ to heaven (31:4-7). Here, however, unlike the Acts Thom., the Magi respond in kind with a short acknowledgement of Christ’s majestic power. When the entire scene of the Magi’s initiation is viewed as a discrete unit, it seems to resemble quite strongly a liturgical ceremony, which, though in narrative form, could easily have been used in the initiation of new converts. Both the JTE of the RevMagi and the Acts Thom., therefore, may very well have originated in Syriac-speaking ecclesiastical contexts that used initiation liturgies similar in structure but divergent in their particular language. 2. Traditions about Judas Thomas in the Revelation of the Magi and the Acts of Thomas The previous analysis suggests that the JTE of the RevMagi and the Acts Thom. have some affinities in the sorts of liturgical material that they have preserved. But these connections, admittedly, have little to do with the actual figure of Judas Thomas as he is represented in both texts. The traditions about Judas Thomas that derive from the Acts Thom. are well-known: that he was commissioned by Jesus to travel to India, that he preached a strict asceticism, and that he was eventually martyred in India. However, the RevMagi does not repeat any of this biographical data contained in the Acts Thom. Whether it had some awareness of these traditions is a very difficult question to answer, since no part of the JTE contradicts the Acts Thom. unequivocally. 27 Here I follow the translation of H.J.W. Drijvers, NTA, 2:350. 196 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi First, there is the issue of geography as it relates to Judas Thomas’ missionary inheritance. While the first-person section of the RevMagi states that the Magi live in the land of Shir and that this land borders the great Ocean in the very east of the inhabited world, the JTE does not repeat this information. Consequently, it is unclear whether the composer of the JTE would have considered his missionary activity in Shir to be incompatible with the traditions of Thomas’ ministry and death in the land of India. In most of the ancient sources concerning geography, the land of Shir28 is further east than the land of India, though scholars have rightly noted that conceptions of geography in antiquity were quite spotty and lacked much of the precision concerning the layout of the world taken for granted today.29 Nevertheless, for the firstperson section of the RevMagi at least, the location of Shir in the easternmost part of the inhabited world would seem to suggest that, if Judas Thomas did go to India as well, he only went after his conversion of the Magi, since he met his death there. If the JTE did derive from another hand than the first-person narrative of the Magi, then it seems likely that the composer of the former was not particularly concerned about the geographic difficulty presented by the arrival of Judas Thomas in the land of Shir. This raises the question of whether the author knew the tradition of Judas Thomas in India and simply chose to ignore this inconvenient fact, or whether 28 Or its possible equivalent, according to the first century C.E. sea merchant’s manual known as the Periplus Maris Erythraei, “Thina.” See L. Casson, The Periplus Maris Erythraei: Text with Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1989), 91-93. 29 As S.P. Mattern notes, the concept of the world used by the Romans did not lend itself to geographical stability or specificity: “…knowledge and understanding of the world around [the Romans]…pictured a schematic, oval-shaped world, framed by zones of bitter frost and scorching heat, surrounded by the ancient, impassable ocean, and inhabited at its edges by primitive, exotic, sometimes mythical peoples.” See her Rome and the Enemy: Imperial Strategy in the Principate (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1999), 80. 197 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi the author was actually unaware of the India legend. The fact that the JTE seems to have been written to counteract some of the more problematic theological implications of the RevMagi may suggest that even if the author was aware of the India tradition and the difficulties posed to this by a visit to the far-eastern land of Shir, his desire to provide the Magi with apostolic sanction through the revered figure of Judas Thomas overruled any desire to remain faithful to geography. There are several other sources that indicate awareness of Judas Thomas’ missionary work going beyond the land of India, though it is not clear if these witnesses have any knowledge of the specific narrative found in the RevMagi. One of these sources is a Syriac document of uncertain date entitled the Teaching of the Apostles (not to be confused with the more familiar Syriac church order known as the Didascalia), containing the missionary allotments for each of the twelve apostles. For Judas Thomas, it states that he received, “India, and all its own countries, and those bordering on it, even to the farthest sea.”30 The reference to “the farthest sea” corresponds quite well to the location of the land of Shir in the RevMagi, but this is by no means an explicit reference to the narrative. A second text provides further specification, though again any irrefutable links to the RevMagi are missing. This witness is a breviary of the Chaldean branch of the Syriac-speaking church, dating approximately to the seventh century. For the feast day of the Apostle Thomas (July 3), it reads: “By S. Thomas has been abolished the error of idolatry from the Indians: By S. Thomas the Chinese also with the Ethiopians have 198 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi turned to the truth. By S. Thomas have shone the beams of the doctrine of Life in all India: By S. Thomas has flown and gone up the Kingdom of the Height among the Chinese.”31 This is perhaps the oldest source — not counting the RevMagi — to assert that Thomas worked in China, though in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries Jesuit priests in China heard similar stories.32 It is not clear from where the information of this breviary derives. In a recent article on traditions of Thomas in China, J. Tubach argues that it was the RevMagi itself that gave rise to the legend preserved by the breviary, and indeed to the tradition of Thomas in China as a whole.33 While such a connection is tempting, there is nothing in the breviary that betrays an awareness of the specific narrative of the RevMagi; even the term for Chinese in the breviary (‫ܐ‬ name Šir ( ) found in the RevMagi. ̈ ‫ )ܨ‬has no linguistic relationship to the place- Finally, if the RevMagi’s information about Judas Thomas does not cohere very well with the India traditions of the Acts Thom., neither does it overlap with the characterization of his missionary preaching in the latter. It was noted above that there are affinities of terminology and structure between the initiation scenes and liturgical 30 W. Cureton, Ancient Syriac Documents (London: Williams and Norgate, 1864), 33. The Syriac of this passage reads: .‫ܐ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ . ̇ ‫ܗ ܘ ܘ ܘܢ ܐܬ̈ܪܘܬܐ ܕ ̇ ܘܕ ܪ‬ See the discussion of this passage in A.C. Moule, Christians in China Before the Year 1550 (London: SPCK, 1930), 11-12. 32 Ibid., 2-10. 33 Tubach argues, “Die darin enthaltene Missionsreise des Apostels in den Oriens Extremus, [i.e., the RevMagi] ins Land der Seidenleute, was der Ausgangspunkt für die Tradition, daß der Apostel einst auch in China gewesen sei. Über das Brevier, das die Notiz für den Gedenktag des Apostels übernahm, fand die Überlieferung Eingang in Indien, dem eigentlichen Missionsgebiet des Apostels, wo sie in die einheimische, von den syrischen Thomasakten inspirierte Tradition inkorporiert wurde.” See his “Der Apostel Thomas in China: Die Herkunft einer Tradition,” ZKG 108 (1997): 74. 31 199 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi formulas of the RevMagi and the Acts Thom. Even so, there is virtually nothing of the severe ascetical ideology preached in the Acts Thom. found in the RevMagi. Indeed, the entire religious system of the Magi is predicated on the necessity of procreation, since it is primarily through hereditary succession that the prophecy of the star is handed down through the ages. Even if the continuation of their lineage might seem to become unnecessary once the prophecy has been fulfilled, Judas Thomas never encourages the Magi to eschew sexual relations. In sum, while the RevMagi nowhere explicitly contradicts the traditions of Judas Thomas’ career as found in the Acts Thom., neither does it make any efforts to harmonize problematic features of its narrative with the legend of Judas Thomas’ Indian apostolate. E. Concluding Remarks on the Judas Thomas Episode This section has attempted to show that there is compelling evidence for viewing the JTE as a later addition to the RevMagi, indeed, as an addition whose composition was occasioned by the pre-existing MPseud. The chief pieces of evidence for this thesis are inconsistency in modes of discourse and narrative perspective, the introduction of terminology not previously seen in the RevMagi, and an overall superfluous quality when compared against the narrative arc of the first-person plural portion of the text. The combination of these factors suggest that the JTE is an interpolation, possibly inserted to provide a stamp of apostolic approval upon a narrative that is quite imaginative in its vision of the Magi’s experience of the 200 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi manifestation of Christ, but — according to the redactor — somewhat dangerous in its christological and soteriological implications. However, rather than simply dismissing the JTE as an intrusion upon a more ancient apocryphon about the Magi, this section has also evaluated the JTE on its own terms to better understand its possible origins. Because of its similarity to liturgical material preserved in the Acts Thom., a location somewhere in the environs of Edessa or eastern Syria is an attractive solution. The terminus ad quem for the creation of the JTE is the mid-fifth century, based upon the reference to the Apostle Thomas in the narrative preserved in the OIM. A probable date of composition would seem to be the mid-third or early fourth century, that is, roughly contemporaneous with the commonly suggested date of the Acts Thom., a document of which the JTE shows no clear signs of knowing, but along with which it seems to have preserved some liturgical fragments from early Syriac-speaking Christianity. III. The Magi Pseudepigraphon: An Archaic Infancy Gospel and Christian Apology A. Overview The second major section of this chapter builds upon the central argument of the first section, namely that the JTE is indeed an interpolation to the RevMagi. Once this redactional layer is set aside, what remains is a pseudepigraphon about the Magi, which presents itself as their authentic testimony regarding the Christ event. In exploring the textual parallels, rhetorical purpose, and probable origins of this MPseud, this section will: 1) describe the connections between the MPseud and a little-known 201 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi infancy gospel known as the “New Source”; 2) argue that certain features of the MPseud are evidence of an apologetic agenda, and not, as has sometimes been argued, evidence for understanding the composition as a basically non-Christian document with some superficial Christian features; and 3) suggest a time, place, and original language for the composition of the MPseud. B. The Magi Pseudepigraphon and the “New Source” of M.R. James In chapter two, this study examined the relationship between the received Syriac text of the RevMagi and the much shorter version of the narrative preserved in the OIM. A close comparison of these two witnesses was able to shed light on the features of the Syriac and Greek recensions of the RevMagi that existed just prior to the composition of the OIM around the middle of the fifth century. In a similar fashion, this subsection compares the MPseud with another text with which it has numerous striking similarities, namely the “New Source,” an apocryphal infancy narrative. However, unlike the relationship between the RevMagi and the OIM, which, despite their minor narrative differences, seems to point to a single archetype used by both witnesses, the same situation is very unlikely to be true for the MPseud and the “New Source.” The “New Source” and the MPseud have strong affinities in terms of their content, but whereas the latter is told from the first-person perspective of the Magi, the former narrates in the third person the events surrounding Jesus’ birth, in which the coming of the Magi to Bethlehem constitutes a relatively small part of the total narrative. 202 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi 1. The “New Source” Infancy Gospel: Witnesses and Research In 1927, M.R. James published the texts of two medieval Latin manuscripts, Arundel 404 (from the British Library, henceforth Arundel) and O.3.9, (from the library of Hereford, henceforth Hereford) containing similar versions of a narrative about the birth of Mary and the birth of Christ.34 It was clear to James that the narrative was a composite document, containing: a) a Latin version of the Protevangelium of James; b) a version of the fifth/sixth century Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew; and c) a previously unknown non-canonical infancy gospel, which James believed might be as old as the second century and termed the “New Source.”35 Moreover, already at the time of his study on Arundel and Hereford, James recognized that the Irish infancy narrative known as the Leabhar Breac (henceforth LB) was an important parallel text to the “New Source.” This “New Source” is of great interest for the present inquiry, particularly since its account of the Magi’s arrival at Christ’s birthplace and conversation with Joseph contains a number of striking commonalities with the RevMagi. It is important to note, as mentioned above, that these parallels are thematic and not formal. That is, the RevMagi does not share an identical narrative structure with the “New Source,” but nevertheless agrees markedly with the information contained in the “New Source” about the Magi and their star. This peculiar feature of the agreements between the contents of the “New Source” and the MPseud suggests that the relationship of the two 34 35 M.R. James, Latin Infancy. Translations of the Latin texts of the “New Source” are my own. Ibid., ix. 203 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi texts is more distant and that the agreements cannot be explained by a simple literary dependence of one text upon the other. The “New Source” and its manuscript traditions have been largely neglected by scholars of ancient Christianity, and there are more issues associated with this document than can be reasonably treated here. For example, scholars have questioned whether it was the infancy narrative of the Gospel of Peter36 or the Jewish-Christian Gospel of the Nazaraeans,37 or whether it was perhaps a freestanding work like the Protevangelium of James (henceforth Prot. Jas.) or the Infancy Gospel of Thomas. It is impossible in this limited analysis to offer a judgment about the original location of this “New Source.” However, the work of two scholars in particular must be mentioned. First, J.-D. Kaestli has offered the most recent contributions on this work, both in a journal article38 and in his participation in the CCSA edition39 of the non-canonical Irish infancy narratives. Two conclusions from his article are especially noteworthy because they strengthen some of the key conclusions of James regarding the “New Source.” First, he demonstrates further than James did the value of the Irish tradition for reconstructing the text of the “New Source”40 through the introduction of a second witness, the Liber Flavus Fergusiorum. Second, by a close comparison of the elements of the “New Source” with the Prot. Jas., he proves quite convincingly that the “New 36 37 Ibid., xxviii-xxxi. So J. Gijsel, “Les ‘Évangiles latins de l’enfance’ de M.R. James,” AnBoll 94 (1976): 289-302. 38 Évangiles latins de l’enfance. 39 Apocrypha Hiberniae. 40 Évangiles latins de l’enfance, 223-24. 204 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi Source” is literarily independent of the Prot. Jas.41 and may actually have influenced the Prot. Jas. at several points.42 Since scholars now generally date the Prot. Jas. no later than the second half of the second century,43 the “New Source” is apparently a quite ancient infancy gospel. Such an early date for the “New Source” has significant implications for dating the MPseud. The work of another scholar is even more valuable, since it has thus far been the only research on the commonalities between the “New Source” and the RevMagi. In a 1975 study, A. Kehl provided a detailed philological analysis of § 94 of Arundel, which has as its contents the speech of the Magi to Joseph explaining their acquaintance with the star.44 He finds the RevMagi to be of exceptional value in elucidating the contents of Arundel, since the “New Source” agrees with no other work to such a degree.45 The present comparison between the “New Source” and the RevMagi utilizes two observations already made by Kehl concerning the star and suggests eight other links between the two texts as well. Thus, when Kehl’s work is As M.-J. Lagrange had already supposed in his, “Un nouvel Évangile de l’enfance, édité par M.R. James,” RB 37 (1928): 553. 42 Évangiles latins de l’enfance, 229. 43 This general scholarly consensus that the Prot. Jas. dates from the second half of the second century has been greatly influenced by the discovery of P. Bodmer V, a late third or early fourth century papyrus containing the Prot. Jas., which provides a firm terminus ad quem. See the discussion of this MS and the larger manuscript tradition in É. DeStryker, “Die griechischen Handschriften des Protevangeliums Iacobi,” in Griechische Kodikologie und Textüberlieferung (ed. D. Harlfinger; Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgeschellschaft, 1980), 577-612, esp. 579-580. G. Zervos has argued the earliest date for the Prot. Jas., pushing it back to ca. 150 or slightly earlier on the supposition that Justin Martyr (Dial. 78) is dependent upon the Prot. Jas. for his knowledge of Jesus’ birth in a cave. See his “Dating the Protevangelium of James: The Justin Martyr Connection,” in Society of Biblical Literature 1994 Seminar Papers (ed. E. Lovering; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1994), 415-434. 44 Stern der Magier. 45 Regarding the relationship between the texts, Kehl remarks: “Da die §§89/95 der ArundelHandschrift mit keinem andern Text der Magierlegende übereinstimmen, aber auffallend zahlreiche und frappante Übereinstimmungen with der Chronik von Zuqnin aufweisen, darf man diese zur Erhellung des Textes unseres Kindheitsevangeliums heranziehen,” ibid., 72. 41 205 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi combined with the results of the present analysis, there are ten significant points of contact between the two works. While more a more thorough study of the relationship between these two texts is required, these ten similarities strongly suggest that there is some sort of literary relationship, most likely indirect, between the “New Source” and the MPseud. 2. Parallels between the Magi Pseudepigraphon and the “New Source” The first connection concerns the size of the Magi’s group. Near the beginning of its narrative, the RevMagi contains a patronymic list of twelve Magi (2:3) that may be an interpolation.46 However, when the text describes the Magi on their journey to Bethlehem, it uses ‫ܐ‬ , (“encampment,” 16:2, 6; 26:2, 7) a term used frequently in the Peshitta to describe large groups of people like armies or settlements.47 Because this term does not suit a group of twelve very well, it could reflect an earlier stage of transmission when specific names and numbers had not yet been supplied. This theory gains credence when compared with the language in the most common witnesses to the “New Source,” which all refer to a crowd, not a specific number. Arundel reads “a band of wayfarers,” (turbam viatorum); Hereford reads “no small band of mounted wayfarers,” (non modicum turbam…viatorum equitum);48 and LB reads “a large group of people.”49 A fusion of traditions similar to that in the RevMagi occurs in another witness to the “New Source,” the ninth century Irish biblical 46 47 See the discussion above in section II.C.1 and in the English translation ad loc. As in Acts 21:34; Heb 11:34. 48 Latin Infancy, 80-81. 206 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi commentator Sedulius Scottus. After quoting an excerpt from the Gospel “According to the Hebrews,” he remarks: “…it is clearly shown that it was not just three men, but a crowd of travelers that came to the Lord, although according to some the chief leaders of this crowd were called by the names Melchus, Caspar, Phadizarda.”50 Like the RevMagi, Sedulius Scottus knows of two distinct answers for the number of the Magi: a specific number (three or twelve) or a large group.51 The second and third parallel occur in Joseph’s observations on the approaching Magi in the “New Source.” What strikes Joseph initially is the way in which this crowd is continually looking up at the sky, and from this he deduces that they are practicing astrology. Since the major witnesses to the “New Source” agree almost verbatim, the rendering of Arundel will suffice: “It seems to me that those coming are (astrologers). For behold, they all do not cease for a moment looking up and disputing among themselves,” (Videntur mihi isti qui veniunt agnos (augeres) esse. Ecce enim omni non cessant momento respiciunt et inter se disputant.).52 As the narrative will soon reveal, Joseph cannot see the star, so he misunderstands the actions of the Magi. This is very reminiscent of a scene in the MPseud, though there it is the inhabitants of Jerusalem, not Joseph, who incorrectly identify the Magi as astrologers due to the invisibility of the star: “they saw us looking up at heaven, and worshiping our sign, and praying to our guide, because they did not understand our mysteries and they reckoned Apocrypha Hiberniae, 342. Apocrypha Hiberniae, 121. 51 Though most artistic representations depict only three Magi, some medieval works instead show a large crowd, occasionally with three more prominent figures. A good example of such a scene is the painting of Benozzo Gozzoli (ca. 1420-1497) in Florence, appropriately titled “Cavalcata dei Magi.” See The Chapel of the Magi: Benozzo Gozzoli’s Frescoes in the Palazzo Medici-Riccardi Florence (ed. C. Acidini Luchinat; London: Thames & Hudson, 1994). 50 49 207 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi us as magi,” (17:2).53 In contrast, the MPseud has Mary and Joseph capable of seeing the star, the only people in Judea considered worthy to do so (22:4). The other pertinent observation of Joseph, and the third overall similarity between the texts, concerns the condition of the strange travelers. In the Irish, he remarks: “Well do they travel, and they are not tired though they come from afar,” (LB 89.2).54 One key attribute of the guiding star in the MPseud is the replenishing power of its light, in terms of both food and stamina for the Magi: “It gave rest to us from all our fatigue as if we were not journeying on the road,” (16:6). As in the “New Source,” this vivifying force is not simply internal to the Magi; like Joseph, the inhabitants of Shir can see it: “they marveled at our appearance and the health of our entire encampment,” (27:2). The fourth and fifth similarities to the narrative of the MPseud appear when the Magi explain to Joseph in the “New Source” how they were able to understand the significance of the star. They reveal that the prophecy of a star was written in an ancient body of literature belonging to them, which Arundel calls “our scriptures, more ancient than (your) sciptures,” (nos antiquiores scriptur[a]e scripturarum [vestrarum])55 and the Irish “our old books and writings from the time of the first man of ours,” (LB 52 53 Latin Infancy, 82. It is especially intriguing that the RevMagi uses the word “magi” here, which in this context must mean “astrologers.” However, since the central characters of the narrative are elsewhere called “Magi” (1:2, 2:1, but at those places because of a connection of their name to their practice of silent prayer in their native language), it is curious that the text does not spend any time explaining that there are actually different types of magi. Cf. the note at 17:2. 54 Apocrypha Hiberniae, 348. Note, however, that no equivalent phrase appears in Arundel or Hereford. 55 Latin Infancy, 88. The rendering of Hereford is nearly identical. 208 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi 90.1).56 Although these statements do not mention Seth explicitly, Kehl rightly recognized it as a very likely allusion to the Sethian books of revelation.57 The fifth similarity is that the “New Source” speaks of these writings being transmitted through the ages by means of hereditary succession: “as our fathers and forefathers transmitted to us from the time of the sons of Abraham until the present day,” (LB 94.2).58 Apart from the odd reference to Abraham, who is never mentioned in the RevMagi, the situation there is essentially the same: “And the [books,] and the mysteries, and the speech were handed down in succession by tradition even until our fathers. And they learned and received with joy, and handed them down to us ourselves, and we also kept with love and fear their mysteries of the books and the secrets and the words,” (3:6-7). The sixth through ninth parallels concern the Magi’s account of the star’s appearance. In the sixth parallel, at the moment when the star shines forth, the “New Source” states that the Magi were “guarding the prophecies and the sign which were left to us,” (LB 94.3).59 On its own, this phrasing is quite obscure, but it may very well refer to the monthly rituals that are described in detail in the MPseud. There the star also appears as the Magi are about to enact their prescribed traditions: “And each one came from his dwelling-place according to our ancient custom to ascend the Mountain of Victories [lacuna] to wash in the Spring of Purification, as we were accustomed. And 56 57 Apocrypha Hiberniae, 348. “Hier kann wohl nur auf die angebliche Schrift des Seth angespielt sein,” Stern der Magier, 71. 58 Apocrypha Hiberniae, 364. This information does not seem to be duplicated in Arundel or Hereford. 59 Like the third and fifth parallels, this information only appears in the Irish LB, and not in the Latin witnesses. 209 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi we saw [lacuna] in the form of an ineffable pillar of light descending and it came to rest above the water,” (11:3-4). Although the second parallel listed above mentioned the inability of certain parties — Joseph in the “New Source” and the inhabitants of Jerusalem in the MPseud — to see the star, the main point of comparison there was the misrecognition of the Magi’s following of the star as astrological practice. However, both the MPseud and the Latin and Irish witnesses to the “New Source” have the Magi emphasize their exclusive privilege to see the star at other places in their narratives. Therefore, as a seventh parallel, Arundel (no parallel in Hereford) reads, “For this thing beyond beauty [i.e., the star] appeared to us alone,” (Hoc enim nobis solis super specie apparuit);60 LB 94.3 reads, “Nobody else saw it but we ourselves alone;”61 and the MPseud from the RevMagi reads: “And the light of the star, which surpassed the sun, appeared to us ourselves and the sons of our mysteries, but it did not appear to anyone else, because they were removed from its mysteries and its coming,” (11:7). This point of connection, first noticed by Kehl,62 is particularly remarkable since it is a decidedly minority position among ancient Christian exegetes. Parallels eight and nine focus upon other distinctive qualities of the star. The eighth parallel is that the brightness of the star is incapable of being expressed in words: “[It was] beautiful above all measure. Of its beauty no one was ever able to speak,” (Arundel: super specie....De cuius specie nemo unquam potuit dicere);63 “Nobody can give a 60 61 Latin Infancy, 88. Apocrypha Hiberniae, 364. 62 Stern der Magier, 73. 63 Latin Infancy, 88. The information of Hereford is roughly equivalent. 210 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi description of that star, nor of its shape or colour, unless it be an angel of God,” (LB 94.4).64 “We cannot speak about the brilliance of the star of light,” (RevMagi 11:5). The consequence of this brightness is the ninth parallel; that even the sun becomes diminished in its sight: “and even the sun could not darken it by the brightness of its light as it darkens the other stars. On the contrary, the sun itself became weak in the sight of the brightness of its arrival,” (Arundel: sed neque sol potuit eam obscurare claritate luminis sui sicut ceteras stellas. Ipse autem sol infirmior factus est viso splendore adventus ipsius);65 “For its light was greater than the light of the sun,” (LB 94.4).66 “[I]ts radiance was many times greater than the sun, and the sun could not stand out before the light of its rays. And just like the moon looks in the daytime in the days of Nisan, when the sun rises and it [i.e., the moon] is absorbed in its [i.e., the sun’s] light, so also did the sun seem to us when the star rose over us,” (RevMagi 11:5-6). This striking metaphor of the sun becoming like the faint daytime moon, not mentioned in either the Latin or the Irish witnesses to the “New Source,” seems to be an innovation original to the RevMagi. The tenth and final parallel between the “New Source” and the MPseud has to do with the duration and length of the journey undertaken by the Magi. The Irish reads: “There followed a twelve-month journey made in twelve days,” (LB 94.6).67 However, after three sentences describing other aspects of the star, the Irish then says that this journey was made on very fast horses, which were capable of traveling a 64 65 Apocrypha Hiberniae, 366. Latin Infancy, 88. 66 Apocrypha Hiberniae, 366. 211 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi month’s journey in a single day. Yet it is possible that the reference to horses is a later interpolation, since Joseph’s initial comments upon seeing the Magi makes explicit reference to their “step(s),” (LB 89.1) which can only mean travel by foot. If the original form of the “New Source” had the Magi undertake a miraculously short journey by foot, then it is again in accord with the MPseud: “And he filled our hearts with great joy, and all the (stages) in which we journeyed were short and swift in our eyes, because our victorious sign and our powerful light, which is beyond every human mouth to speak, guided us with its victorious strength,” (16:7). In addition, because the third parallel concerns the lack of fatigue that the Magi experience on their journey, a condition which is visible to other parties,68 this would also suggest that the “New Source” envisioned a miraculously short journey. 3. Evaluating the Literary Relationship between the Magi Pseudepigraphon and the “New Source” Coming to the end of this comparison between the MPseud from the RevMagi and the Latin and Irish witnesses to the apocryphal “New Source” infancy narrative, it is helpful to recap briefly the ten points of similarity and underline the essential matter of each point: 1) the group of Magi comprise a large crowd, not a smaller number like three or even twelve; 2) a witness who cannot see the star presumes the Magi to be astrologers because of their constant looking up at the sky; 3) the Magi are visibly 67 Apocrypha Hiberniae, 366. The Latin tradition does not specify any duration of time for the journey of the Magi. 68 As noted above, however, the remark of Joseph about the Magi’s lack of fatigue only appears in the Irish LB, not in Arundel or Hereford. 212 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi untouched by fatigue even though they have traveled a long distance; 4) the Magi’s prophecy of the star comes from writings that are older than the Jewish Scriptures; 5) these writings are passed down through hereditary succession; 6) the star appears to the Magi while they are carrying out the rituals prescribed in their writings; 7) the star is visible to the Magi alone; 8) the brilliance of the star is indescribable; 9) the immense light of the star dims even the sun; and 10) the Magi make an extremely lengthy journey in a very short amount of time. It is clear that the relationship of the MPseud to the “New Source” goes much deeper than superficial resemblances. Yet it is not easy to posit one work as dependent upon the other, since there are significant differences in the scope of their respective plots. In particular, there is no equivalent in the MPseud to the extended conversation that the Magi have with Joseph in the “New Source,” since Joseph never speaks in the MPseud; conversely, the “New Source” only mentions the Magi during their appearance at the cave in Bethlehem and nowhere else in the narrative. In brief, the tight concentration of material in the “New Source” is scattered rather broadly throughout the MPseud. The best explanation for this peculiar textual relationship is that the MPseud is dependent on some raw elements of the “New Source” but has expanded the episode of the Magi into a full-blown narrative on its own right. Given the archaic nature of the “New Source,” it is difficult to believe that the MPseud is the earlier of the two; moreover, a composition that focuses on one particular character (or set of characters) from the birth stories would seem to be a slightly later literary development than the 213 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi third-person account of writings like the “New Source” or the Prot. Jas. It is impossible to know in what sort of medium the MPseud knew the Magi narrative from the “New Source,” whether as an independent infancy gospel, as part of a larger non-canonical gospel, or perhaps even as a piece of oral tradition. For the sort of information the MPseud has in common with the “New Source,” it is not necessary that the former would have had to have ever seen a written copy of the latter. It is clear, however, from the earlier work of Kehl and from the fruits of the present exercise that these two documents, both poorly-known by scholars today and with paltry remains from antiquity, stand in a perplexing relationship to one another. C. The Magi Pseudepigraphon as Christian Apologetic The previous subsection attempted to show the similarities of certain traditions in the MPseud to those found in the “New Source,” which was likely the source — albeit perhaps distant — for the former. However, even if this parallel text accounts for some of the raw materials used by the MPseud, it in no way explains why a narrative written from the perspective of the Magi might have been composed in the first place. While many apocryphal texts can be partially explained by the curiosity of Christians about figures and events only mentioned cursorily in the earliest gospels, such an explanation does not do justice to one of the most peculiar and distinctive elements of the MPseud. While pseudepigraphic compositions are quite commonplace in ancient Christian and Jewish literature, examples of Christian writings that present themselves as the product of non-Christians are comparatively much rarer. 214 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi The MPseud is one of only a handful of Christian texts in this category; other noteworthy examples are the correspondence of Pontius Pilate contained in the Acts of Pilate, the Seneca letters from the correspondence between Paul and Seneca, and the letter of King Abgar of Edessa to Jesus.69 It would be misleading to suggest that the reasons behind the composition of all of these documents were the same. Nevertheless, one rhetorical technique present in all these texts is the referencing of events known from foundational Christian texts from the perspective of an outsider. In the case of the Abgar letter, for example, the fame of Jesus’ healings has become so widespread in his own lifetime that a king from a far-off city has become convinced that his disease can be cured by a man who he regards as either “God...or the Son of God.”70 This rhetorical technique of allusions to key events in Christian history or central Christian beliefs made by a non-Christian — sometimes one who is geographically remote — is not simply an entertaining literary feature of these texts.71 It also can be an effective apologetic strategy, for if it is believed that these writings were penned by their purported authors — Pontius Pilate, the great philosopher Seneca, King Abgar, the Magi — then the writings would represent a powerful vindication of Christian truth claims by a disinterested party. In the case of the MPseud, this personal testimony of the Magi is especially lengthy and complex. Unlike the relatively short and undeveloped epistles of Pilate or Seneca, the author of the MPseud has made an 69 For translations and introductions to these documents, see, respectively, NTA 1:501-536; 2:46-53; 1:492-500. 70 Ibid., 1:497. 71 This should not be taken to discount this pleasurable feature of such writings. Indeed, one recent analogue to this sort of fantastic literature is the short science fiction story by Arthur C. Clarke entitled “Report on Planet Three.” This story presents itself as the report of findings made by extraterrestrial 215 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi extremely concerted effort to create social rules, terminology, ritual practices, and other features for the Magi. In so doing, the author has imparted such a high degree of attempted “realism” to this document that it is hard to believe that the MPseud was intended purely for the purposes of entertainment. The portrayal of the Magi as a quasi-monastic religious order that comes to a belief in Christ without adopting specifically Christian vocabulary would seem to have an apologetic goal in its production. However, the intense effort by the Christian writer of the MPseud to craft an invented religious system for the Magi has been so successful that much of the previous scholarship on the RevMagi has believed that any Christian elements in the document are a final, superficial layer. Two of the earliest scholars to work on this text, G. Widengren and U. Monneret de Villard, regarded it as the product of Zoroastrian converts to Christianity who had retained many traces of their ancestral belief, which were left embedded in the text. These Iranian traditions integrated into the RevMagi included a star signifying the birth of Zarathustra’s eschatological descendant, the Saoshyant;72 a sacred mountain upon which the Saoshyant would become manifest;73 the springs surrounding the Magi’s sacred spring as a reference to the seven “LifeGiving Immortals,” a set of Zoroastrian deities;74 the almost-silent murmuring of the Zoroastrian mobeds during their ritual prayers.75 anthropologists on “Planet Three,” which the reader eventually recognizes as Earth. See his Report on Planet Three (London: Corgi, 1972). 72 Widengren, Kulturbegegnung, 67. 73 Monneret de Villard, Leggende Orientali, 146-156; Kulturbegegnung, 79-82; 74 Leggende Orientali, 56-57. 75 Leggende Orientali, 53-54; Kulturbegegnung, 77. 216 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi Whether there were indeed elements of Iranian religious practice that were formative influences on Christian traditions in general, or on the Matthean Magi story in particular, is a question far more complex than can be adequately addressed here. However, there does not appear to be anything in the MPseud that can only be explained through recourse to Zoroastrianism, particularly since the vast majority of its contents are intelligible within a Christian worldview. Nevertheless, the overall rhetorical and apologetic strategy of the MPseud is precisely to fashion its Magi as preeminent, pre-Christian pagans, and hence, to demonstrate the universality of the Christian message. The words of the Christ child to the Magi exemplify this universalism: “I am everywhere, because I am a ray of light whose light has shone in this world from the majesty of my Father, who has sent me to fulfill everything that was spoken about me in the entire world and in every land...as your faith befits it, it was revealed to you about me,” (13:10). D. The Date, Provenance, and Original Language of the Magi Pseudepigraphon As the fifth chapter of this study discusses, several of the dominant themes found in the MPseud, namely the universality of the Christian Gospel and the foreknowledge of Christ among the most distinguished of pagan religionists, are particularly characteristic of Christian apologists of the second and third century like Justin Martyr and Clement of Alexandria. In addition, the mid-to-late second century seems to be the time at which more detailed narrative compositions about the birth and childhood of Christ come into being, texts like the Prot. Jas., the Infancy Gospel of 217 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi Thomas, and, quite possibly, the “New Source” isolated by M.R. James. Because of the affinities that the MPseud has with these two genres of Christian literature, a date in the late second or early third century is a reasonable supposition. It is more difficult to muster convincing arguments for a particular provenance or original language of the MPseud. Given its apparent apologetic concerns, an intellectual center like Rome or Alexandria would be an attractive possibility, though there is nothing in the text — apart from the language in which it was preserved — to link it with a specific geographical area. Although the only extant form of the MPseud is in Syriac, there are several reasons to be skeptical of Syriac as the language of composition. First, since the JTE is very likely a Syriac product, for the reasons argued above, the fact that the entire document has been preserved in Syriac may be due to nothing more than this redactional layer. Second, unlike the JTE, the MPseud does not contain any obvious features that point to a Syriac Christian milieu. If the MPseud did originate in Rome or Alexandria, then it was almost certainly composed in Greek. However, the question of the document’s original language must remain unresolved, since the Syriac text does not exhibit any clear indications that it is a translation from Greek. IV. Conclusion This chapter has attempted to probe the prehistory of the RevMagi by working backwards from the extant Syriac text as preserved in the CZuq, a task never before performed in any detail. The chief arguments presented here were two-fold. First, the 218 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi received Syriac has a number of peculiarities near the end of the narrative, suggesting that the final four chapters, in which the Apostle Judas Thomas appears, is a redactional layer that was grafted onto a pre-existing narrative. These peculiarities include instability in narrative perspective and modes of discourse just prior to the arrival of Judas Thomas; the abrupt introduction of overtly Christian terminology, which was absent for most of the narrative; and an impression of narrative excess, since the Magi have already experienced the fulfillment of their central prophecy before the visit of Judas Thomas. An origin for the JTE in eastern Syria is quite likely, not only due to the presence of Judas Thomas, but also because it contains liturgical fragments similar to those preserved in the Syriac Acts Thom. The second argument is that the pre-existing narrative, an apocryphon that imparts the personal account of the Magi on the coming of Christ, has similarities in its narrative content and theological agenda to Christian literature of the second and third centuries. As regards its narrative content, this document contains numerous striking parallels in its portrayal of the Magi, their prophecy, and the star to Latin and Irish remnants of an archaic infancy gospel known as the “New Source.” In its theological agenda, the MPseud reveals an interest in crafting a convincing piece of testimony about the truth of Christianity written by illustrious outsiders, an apologetic strategy in keeping with a small number of other Christian documents. However, the recognition of the MPseud as a previously independent document does not lead to any easy answers about its original language or provenance. Yet even if this reconstruction of the prehistory of the RevMagi does not prove persuasive in all respects, it represents 219 Chapter 3—The Judas Thomas Redaction and the Magi Pseudepigraphon: Charting the Prehistory of the Revelation of the Magi the first systematic attempt to formulate a comprehensive theory about the sources contained in the received Syriac form of the RevMagi. As such, it hopefully represents an important step forward in the study of this intriguing but difficult text. 220 Chapter 4—The Magi’s Bible: Scriptural Interpretation in the Revelation of the Magi Chapter Four The Magi’s Bible Scriptural Interpretation in the Revelation of the Magi I. Introduction The fourth and fifth chapters of this study of the Revelation of the Magi (henceforth RevMagi) move beyond the foundational tasks of charting the redaction history of the text and ascertaining its earliest probable form; the goal of these two final chapters is instead the literary and theological analysis of the RevMagi. Apart from simply being one of many neglected non-canonical texts, or even being the most substantial narrative composition devoted to the Magi from antiquity, the RevMagi demonstrates an intriguing and innovative relationship with the earlier Christian texts upon which its narrative depends and attempts to solve some of the thorniest early Christian dilemmas around issues of revelation, missiology, and christology. This chapter addresses the ways in which the RevMagi participates in the practice of scriptural interpretation, an underappreciated avenue of study for noncanonical writings.1 Since most ancient Christian apocryphal literature clearly postdates the writings of the New Testament, this corpus is a potentially rich, if often overlooked, resource for some of the earliest commentary on foundational Christian texts and their Jewish antecedents. While apocryphal narratives lack the formality of Several notable exceptions to this are J.B. Bauer, “Schriftrezeption in den neutestamentlichen Apokryphen,” in Stimuli. Exegese und ihre Hermeneutik in Antike und Christentum. Festschrift für Ernst Dassman (eds. G. Schöllgen and C. Scholten; Münster: Aschendorf, 1996), 43-48; F. Bovon, “Jesus' Missionary Speech as Interpreted in the Patristic Commentaries and the Apocryphal Narratives,” in Texts and Contexts: Biblical Texts in Their Textual and Situational Contexts: Essays in Honor of Lars Hartman (eds. Tord Fornberg and David Hellholm; Oslo: Scandinavian University Press, 1995), 871-886; idem, “Facing the Scriptures: Mimesis and Intertextuality in the Acts of Philip,” in Mimesis and Intertextuality in Antiquity and Christianity (ed. D.R. MacDonald; Harrisburg, PA: Trinity, 2001), 138-153. 1 221 Chapter 4—The Magi’s Bible: Scriptural Interpretation in the Revelation of the Magi the commentary genre, they nevertheless perform interpretation of canonical writings by what they choose to emphasize, ignore, or bring together. This chapter argues that the RevMagi rewrites pivotal portions of the biblical narrative, often through the crossfertilization of one narrative with other scriptural traditions, but by no means in a simplistic, derivative fashion. While the Matthean story of the Magi is indeed the sine qua non of the narrative, equally important for the RevMagi — if not more so — is the theological vocabulary and perspective of John’s Gospel. In addition to Matthew, John, and other NT texts, the RevMagi also alludes to important sections of Genesis, Exodus, and other parts of the Hebrew Bible. Effectively, the RevMagi positions the Magi as the central characters in the history of salvation, allowing readers to see familiar events with new eyes. II. The Form of Scripture in the Revelation of the Magi Before moving into a consideration of the interaction of the RevMagi with specific portions of the biblical record, it is crucial to clarify its typical representation of Scripture. While the RevMagi exhibits a great familiarity with biblical texts, in no case does it quote from Scripture formally and explicitly. The kinds of formulaic phrases found in other early Christian writings that serve to indicate a citation — “As the Apostle says,” “This was to fulfill,” “Thus it is written,” “What does Scripture say?” — appear nowhere in this document. The RevMagi only references Scripture through allusion and rarely, if ever, does it quote a scriptural text verbatim. 222 Chapter 4—The Magi’s Bible: Scriptural Interpretation in the Revelation of the Magi In addition to this understated approach, the text is also remarkable because a number of these allusions are, perhaps unexpectedly, on the lips of the Magi, who are neither Christians nor Jews and who live quite far away from the land of Israel. To be sure, many of the scriptural allusions in the RevMagi occur in the direct speech of either Christ or God, a feature that is hardly surprising, especially in apocryphal narratives. But the Magi, despite their remote location on the very edge of the inhabited world, have a rather robust awareness of Scripture. On several occasions, they even speak words that the canonical gospels attribute to the adult Christ, thus anticipating his sayings by approximately thirty years within the narrative world of the text. An illustrative example of the Magi’s use of Scripture occurs at the moment they enter the Bethlehem cave to worship the Christ child. After a disembodied voice instructs the Magi to enter the cave, they remove their crowns and lay them at Christ’s feet, “because the everlasting kingdom is his,” (18:5). Then they kneel before him upon the ground, “because every knee that is in heaven and on earth bows to him and worships him,” (18:6). Finally they place before him their treasures, in the hope “that we might receive them from him in the kingdom by many fold before his own judgment seat of salvation,” (18:7). The Magi explain these three actions — removing crowns, kneeling, and offering treasure — through allusion to several NT passages. The removing of crowns is understood as a consequence of the ascriptional phrase of the Lord’s Prayer from Matt 6:13. This expression, so familiar to Christians through its liturgical usage, is not 223 Chapter 4—The Magi’s Bible: Scriptural Interpretation in the Revelation of the Magi extant in the earliest Greek witnesses, although it appears in both the Curetonian recension of the Old Syriac (the Sinaitic recension is not extant for this passage) and the Peshitta. The action of kneeling before the child finds explanation not through the words of Christ, but instead through the well-known “Christ hymn” from Phil 2:10. The last gesture of the Magi, offering treasures so that they might recoup their losses by many multiples in Christ’s kingdom, derives from words spoken by Jesus in Mark 10:30, Luke 18:29-30, and Matt 19:28-29. Of these parallels, the Matthean passage is closest to the allusion in the RevMagi, with its mention of both heavenly recompense and the judgment seat of Christ. Although such allusions to the words of Christ and Paul could perhaps be seen by an uncharitable reader as an anachronistic blunder on the part of a careless (but nevertheless scripturally sophisticated) composer of the RevMagi, a more likely explanation is that they are present for the benefit of ancient Christian readers/hearers of this text. They function simultaneously to delight the audience through the Magi’s unknowing reliance on Scripture and to impress upon potential critics of the Magi the wholly inspired nature of their revelation, since this pseudepigraphon is presented as the Magi’s eyewitness testimony.2 More importantly, these allusions also represent a frequent form of scriptural interpretation in the RevMagi, one that explains actions and entities mentioned in one part of the Christian Bible by means of other biblical materials. There are two major outstanding features of this text’s interpretative agenda. First, the RevMagi uses the 2 In fusing together the goals of entertainment and edification, the RevMagi has important similarities with the apocryphal acts of the apostles, whose dual purpose has been noted by R. I. Pervo, Profit with Delight: The Literary Genre of the Acts of the Apostles, (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1987). 224 Chapter 4—The Magi’s Bible: Scriptural Interpretation in the Revelation of the Magi Gospel of Matthew as the template for the heart of its narrative, but also relies heavily on the Gospel of John to understand the significance and identity of Matthew’s star of Bethlehem. Second, the RevMagi critiques Jews and Judaism for their perceived failure to recognize the prophetic signs pointing toward Christ, yet it nevertheless replicates some of the most seminal events and passages from the Hebrew Bible in its account of the Magi’s revelatory experiences. III. The Gospel of Matthew Quite predictably, one of the major canonical springboards for the RevMagi is Matt 2:1-12, since this is the only NT pericope that mentions the Magi. However, the ties between the two writings are not as deeply intertwined as might be expected. First, the chronological scope of the RevMagi is far vaster than the Matthean Magi story, beginning approximately with the initiation of the present generation of Magi into their ancient order by their fathers3 and ending after the death and resurrection of Jesus with the visit of the Apostle Judas Thomas to the Magi’s homeland of Shir. Thus, the time that elapses in the RevMagi’s narrative is at least thirty years, in comparison to a single day in Matthew. For the period of time during which the two narratives overlap, namely from the arrival of the Magi in Jerusalem through their departure from Bethlehem after visiting the child, there are some concessions in the RevMagi to the sequence and content of the events in Matthew. However, the RevMagi is by no means slavish in 3 Furthermore, the present generation of Magi also serves as narrators for events that take place far before their time, dating back to Seth’s reception of Adam’s revelation and his production of the books of mysteries. 225 Chapter 4—The Magi’s Bible: Scriptural Interpretation in the Revelation of the Magi following the gospel story, and it shows little compunction about departing from significant Matthean plot points. In the RevMagi, the Magi are led into Jerusalem by their guiding star, which remains unseen by the city’s inhabitants.4 Matthew is less than clear on this point; the gospel never explicitly states that the Magi arrived in Jerusalem by following the lead of the star, only that they had seen the star “at its rising/in the East.”5 But Matt 2:9 quite unambiguously states that the star reappears to the Magi and then leads them to the exact location of the child; therefore, the assertion in the RevMagi that this star had served as a guide for the Magi’s entire journey actually has its origins in this wrinkle of the Matthean narrative. In both Matthew and the RevMagi, the Magi’s arrival in Jerusalem creates a great disturbance for the city’s residents. Yet unlike the scene in the gospel (Matt 2:3), in the RevMagi it is simply because of the arrival of the Magi that the inhabitants are “disturbed and troubled,” (17:2) and not because of the questions they ask, since the Magi have yet to say a word. The city’s “nobles and rulers” (17:2) ask the Magi the reason of their arrival, and the Magi inform them that they had seen in their homeland a “sign of heavenly majesty” (17:3) signifying the birth of a “king, and a messiah,” 4 The only inhabitant of Jerusalem who is explicitly said to have been unable to see the star is Herod. Still, two passages make it highly probable that the star is invisible to all the Jerusalemites. First, at the time of the star’s initial appearance in the land of Shir, the Magi remark that “it did not appear to anyone else, because they were removed from its mysteries and its coming,” (11:7). Second, when the Magi enter Jerusalem, the city’s residents see them looking up at the sky, apparently thinking them to be astrologers of some sort. But the Magi explain that “they did not understand our mysteries,” (17:2). When these two statements are taken together, it becomes almost certain that the star remains invisible to all in Jerusalem. 5 As R. E. Brown notes, the presence of the definite article in e0n th|= a)natolh|= makes the translation “in the East” less likely than “at its rising,” Birth of Messiah, 173. Brown’s position is supported by the absence of a preposition in a)po\ a)natolw~n from v.1, where the phrase specifies the direction from which the Magi have arrived. Since the star is referred to as “his,” Brown suggests that Matthew has an astrological meaning in mind: “[H]aving seen the rise of the star which they associate with the King of the Jews, they have come to the capital city of the Jews for more information,” ibid., 174. 226 Chapter 4—The Magi’s Bible: Scriptural Interpretation in the Revelation of the Magi (17:3). This juxtaposition of king and messiah (accompanied by several other epithets) blends together the inquiries of the Magi and Herod from Matt 2:2 and 2:4, respectively. It is significant, however, that the Magi do not specify that it is the “King of the Jews” that they seek, as they do in the gospel. In fact, nowhere does the RevMagi indicate that the people encountered by the Magi in Jerusalem are Jews, nor that Herod is their king — he is instead called “the governor of the region.” Thus the text removes an implicit point of tension within the Matthean narrative regarding the rightful holder of the title “King of the Jews.” As in Matt 2:4, Herod responds to the Magi’s arrival by summoning those more familiar with the scriptural prophecies, here called the “honorable elders of the city,” (17:6) and inquires of them where the Messiah is to be born. However, in the RevMagi, the elders tell him that this will take place in “[t]he village Bethlehem, as was said by the heavenly majesty to our father David, the ancient prophet who lived a long time ago,” (17:6). This answer differs from that of Matt 2:5-6 in that it is ascribed to David himself — not called king, but prophet — and lacks the fulfillment citation adapted from Mic 5:2 that is so prominently displayed in the Matthean account. There is some significant narrative tension in the incorporation of the Jerusalem scene into the RevMagi, since the utilization of a prophecy to discern the precise location of the child is rather unnecessary for the narrative of the RevMagi, as is indeed the whole incident.6 6 Brown notes this narrative tension in Matthew as well, and suggests that it is the result of two previously independent stories being combined, Birth of Messiah, 191. U. Luz, conversely, argues for the impossibility of either story functioning independently: “A Herod narrative without the magi would be completely in the air; we would not know where Herod got his information about the royal child. Conversely, the magi narrative is built on the Herod episode: that the magi are Gentiles requires some sort of confrontation with Israel.” See his Matthew 1-7, 104. 227 Chapter 4—The Magi’s Bible: Scriptural Interpretation in the Revelation of the Magi Their star has been, from the outset, not simply a heavenly portent whose significance the Magi had to ascertain: it has been their sentient guide, none other than Christ himself in non-human form, and could have easily led them directly to the place of birth without recourse to any intermediaries. So what is the reason for the Magi to stop and converse with the inhabitants of Jerusalem, given the potency of their celestial guide? It is not likely to be simply a mechanical concession to the storyline of Matthew, since the RevMagi elsewhere shows considerable freedom to move beyond Matthew’s narrative constraints. It appears that the chief purpose for the Magi’s visit to Jerusalem in this text is to underscore the failure of its inhabitants to recognize the fulfillment of Israel’s ancient prophecies. While this is certainly implied in Matthew,7 in the RevMagi the anti-Judaism is far less subtle. The Magi themselves narrate that “we went in joy to Bethlehem as the blind scribes had read, not believing what they read from their books,” (17:8). Despite this great light that has appeared in their land, “they are dwelling in darkness in the world in their days,” (17:8). The inhabitants of Jerusalem receive the harshest assessment of any characters in the RevMagi, yet it is difficult to see how this perspective fits with other narrative emphases in the text.8 While this indictment of the Jerusalemites is hardly a dramatic exegetical leap from an idea that is already latent in Matthew’s Gospel, the anti-Judaism apparent in this portion of the narrative is also replicated in 7 As Brown observes, “Therein lies a paradox: Jews who have the Scriptures and can plainly see what the prophets have said are not willing to worship the newborn king,” Birth of Messiah, 182. 8 In fact, there is a noticeable absence of credible antagonists throughout the whole account, and the only reference to those who refuse the teaching of Magi, occurring at 5:11, is one of the most difficult parts of the RevMagi to understand, due to its brevity. While the Jews of Jerusalem are sharply criticized, they in no way serve to hinder the progress of the Magi as protagonists. 228 Chapter 4—The Magi’s Bible: Scriptural Interpretation in the Revelation of the Magi several of the RevMagi’s allusions to Hebrew Scripture. Therefore, a critique of Jewish institutions through the voice of the Magi seems to be part of the RevMagi’s interpretative agenda. The RevMagi also develops much less fully than Matthew the interaction between Herod and the Magi. No trace exists of Herod’s private interrogation of the Magi regarding the time at which their star appeared (Matt 2:7). The RevMagi does include Herod’s instructions to the Magi to bring back word of the child’s whereabouts (Matt 2:8). However, this conversation does not occur at the same point in the narrative as it does in the gospel, nor is Herod’s goal ever clarified in the RevMagi. Immediately after the scribes identify the place of the birth as Bethlehem, the Magi’s star appears once again, an incident that in the gospel does not take place until after Herod’s secret summons (Matt 2:9). The Magi rejoice exceedingly when their guiding star again becomes visible (cf. Matt 2:10), and apparently depart for Bethlehem. But in the RevMagi it is only after they have set out that the Magi mention Herod’s command (17:9), and hence it is unclear whether his statement is a narrative flashback or the final event before their departure. At the same time that it plays down the conversation between the Magi and Herod, the RevMagi also fails to include any mention of Herod’s hidden agenda concerning the child they seek. The Magi are dissuaded from returning to Herod, not by a dream as in the gospel (Matt 2:12),9 but by their guiding star. However, the rationale for this warning is quite vague: “And because he was not worthy for the 9 Note, however, that there is no mention of an angel in the Magi’s dream, unlike the angels of Joseph’s three dream visions in Matt 1:20; 2:13, 20. Brown argues that this inconsistency is one of several features of Matt 2:1-12 that indicates a fusion of two different narratives, Birth of Messiah, 177. 229 Chapter 4—The Magi’s Bible: Scriptural Interpretation in the Revelation of the Magi worship of the light that was born, because he was a dwelling of error, it was said to us by our guide and our light that we should not return to him, because he was not [worthy] to see the great light of the world, because he was totally deaf and blind to its worship,” (17:9). Herod, like the other inhabitants of Jerusalem, cannot see the guiding star of the Magi, but the RevMagi never clarifies precisely what makes Herod “a dwelling of error.” There is no mention by the star of Herod’s murderous motives; and the Matthean slaughter of the innocents is never depicted or even hinted at in the course of the narrative. It is certainly true that Matt 2:12 itself gives no indication that the dream to the Magi provided any details about Herod’s plot; but given the RevMagi’s length, one might expect some sort of effort to tie the story of the Magi into the events of Matt 2:13-18 that their visit has precipitated. Because Herod never inquires of the Magi the time of the star’s appearance as he does in Matt 2:7 — information determinative for his selection of victims, as revealed in Matt 2:16 — or shows any inclination toward bloodshed, it appears that the RevMagi sees his shortcomings as no different from those of the other Jerusalemites: a profound failure to recognize the great events taking place in their own land. Once the Magi leave Jerusalem and set off for Bethlehem, the resemblance to the Matthean narrative decreases markedly. Several elements that have long been recognized as distinctive features of the infancy narrative of the First Gospel receive little or no emphasis in the RevMagi. For example, the gifts of the Magi, whose possible symbolism intrigued many early Christian theologians,10 are nearly ignored in the 10 In a tradition beginning with Irenaeus (Haer. 3.9.2), the three gifts signify Christ’s royalty (gold), divinity (frankincense), and death and burial (myrrh). 230 Chapter 4—The Magi’s Bible: Scriptural Interpretation in the Revelation of the Magi RevMagi. The Magi do indeed watch over a set of gifts that they are to take with them on their journey, but these gifts are never specifically identified, either as the familiar gold, frankincense, and myrrh, or as anything else. They kneel before the child and present the gifts, but there is no explanation of the purpose or symbolic significance of their offerings. As for the location of the child’s birth, the RevMagi incorporates elements from both Matthew and extracanonical tradition. On the one hand, there is some agreement with the Matthean view that the birth took place in the house of Mary and Joseph11 in Bethlehem (Matt 2:11); Mary tells the Magi of the child who “appeared in our house,” (22:5) and a dialogue between the infant Jesus and Mary occurs in the house (24:1-25:4). Yet because Christ has the ability to be present in multiple locations in the RevMagi, the Magi simultaneously experience his “birth” — or better, his metamorphosis from star to human form — in a cave near the house of Mary and Joseph (18:2-4). In its partial placement of the birth in a cave, the RevMagi agrees with a tradition attested in other early Christian extracanonical writings,12 a tradition that may have its ultimate origin in the ambiguous Lukan term kata&luma (Luke 2:7), most often translated as the overfilled “inn.”13 The above comparisons between Matthew and the RevMagi demonstrate that the latter text has incorporated the skeletal structure of Matt 2:1-12 in constructing its narrative, but has shown considerable freedom in departing from the biblical template 11 However, Joseph is not mentioned at all in the Matthean Magi story; Matt 2:11 speaks only of to_ For other texts that mention Jesus’ birth in a cave, see the note at 18:2 in the English translation. For the difficulties of translating this term consistently in Luke, see Brown, Birth of Messiah, 399-401. paidi/on meta_ Mari/aj th=j mhtro_j au)tou~ in the house. 12 13 231 Chapter 4—The Magi’s Bible: Scriptural Interpretation in the Revelation of the Magi when necessary. If Matt 2:1-12 has essentially two major sections — the Jerusalem scene and the Bethlehem scene — then the RevMagi follows the gospel far more closely in the former than the latter. At Bethlehem, even if echoes of Matthew are present in the mention of the Magi’s offering of gifts and the house of the child’s parents, the narrative of the RevMagi is expanded to such a degree — a lengthy theophany and commissioning of the Magi in the cave, then a dialogue between the parents and the Magi, then an exchange between the child and his mother at their house — that the much simpler structure of its predecessor is almost obliterated. In contrast, indebtedness to the arrangement of the Jerusalem scene in Matthew is far more recognizable. Yet here as well the RevMagi goes far beyond its source material, even if the interests of both texts have some affinities. A major emphasis of Matt 2:1-6 is the confirmation of Jesus’ identity as Messiah through recourse to the Hebrew Scriptures. While this insistence in the gospel may indeed have a polemical subtext in the scribes’ indifference to the apparent fulfillment of scriptural prophecy, the version in the RevMagi underscores sharply the lack of belief by the inhabitants of Jerusalem by focusing on their “dwelling in darkness,” (17:8). Even Herod’s bloodthirsty nature, which lurks menacingly in the background in the Matthean Magi story, goes unmentioned, and he is nothing more than the chief representative of a people blind (willfully, perhaps) to the amazing events taking place. In bringing this section to a close, it is important to ask what is ultimately at stake for the RevMagi in its departures from the Matthean storyline. Although the Magi went on to captivate the early Christian imagination, the structure of the entire 232 Chapter 4—The Magi’s Bible: Scriptural Interpretation in the Revelation of the Magi second chapter of Matthew’s Gospel — a unit quite loosely attached to what comes before and after in terms of narrative — suggests that they were rather peripheral figures for the evangelist. The drama of Matt 2:1-23 primarily pits the illegitimate, murderous King of the Jews against the true, defenseless infant King of the Jews, and the Magi are rather minor players as this story unfolds. Matthew is silent on the Magi’s history and eventual fate. Therefore, in Matt 2:1-12, the emphasis is much more on how the situation in Jerusalem impacts what transpires in Bethlehem. In contrast, the RevMagi directs its principal energies toward the manifestation of Christ to the Magi in Bethlehem. To be sure, the RevMagi utilizes the Jerusalem meeting to demonstrate quite forcefully the failure of the Jews to recognize the extraordinary events taking place, but the actual narration of these extraordinary events at Bethlehem is a full six times longer than the scene in Jerusalem (18:1-25:4 for the former, 17:1-9 for the latter). To understand the significance of these events, namely the coming of Christ in the form of a star and his revelation to the Magi, this apocryphon leaves behind the Gospel of Matthew behind in search of more fertile exegetical ground. IV. The Gospel of John From as early as the second century onward, it has been commonplace for Christian interpreters to explicate Matthew’s infancy narrative with specific recourse to that of the Gospel of Luke, and vice versa.14 Yet an interest in harmonizing these 14 Such harmonizing is present in Tatian’s Diatessaron, where the Magi episode follows the Lukan account of Jesus’ birth; see the translation by C. McCarthy, Saint Ephrem’s Commentary on Tatian’s Diatessaron: An English Translation of Chester Beatty Syriac MS 709 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 233 Chapter 4—The Magi’s Bible: Scriptural Interpretation in the Revelation of the Magi divergent stories of Jesus’ birth seems not to be a hermeneutical concern of the RevMagi; there are no shepherds, no census, and no manger, all key features of the Lukan Christmas story. Instead, the RevMagi relies heavily on the Gospel of John to expand the narrative and draw theological meaning out of Matthew’s brief story, particularly in its understanding of the star of Bethlehem’s true identity. The statement of Jesus in the Fourth Gospel, “I am the light of the world,” (John 8:12), is most easily intelligible in a metaphoric sense. In John’s Gospel at least, the light that Jesus possesses and brings to the world is interior enlightenment; he himself is not physically incandescent.15 Yet the author of the RevMagi seems to understand Jesus’ assertion that he is “the light of the world” not as a metaphor, but in a very literal fashion. For the RevMagi, Jesus is the Johannine light of the world in the truest sense; he is the Magi’s guiding star, a luminous divine being. Although this reliance on the language of John’s Gospel could perhaps be inferred without an explicit reference, the Magi make this connection directly in their remark that Herod was unworthy to view “the great light of the world,” (17:9). No other ancient Christian text views the star of Bethlehem as being identical with Christ himself, even though exegetes often concluded that the Magi’s portent was 1993). A different solution to the two stories is found in the Prot. Jas. 22.2-3, where the Magi arrive first, and the Lukan manger becomes the infant’s hiding-place during Herod’s purge. 15 There is, of course, no account of the transfiguration in John, the transfiguration of the synoptics being the only appearance of a luminous Jesus in the canonical gospels. The objects of the Johannine “I am” statements are, within the gospel’s narrative world, generally uncontested as metaphor. As R. E. Brown remarks, “The predicate [of the “I am” statements] is not an essential definition or description of Jesus in himself; it is more a description of what is he in relation to man.” See his The Gospel of John, 2 vols. (New York: Doubleday, 1966), 1: 534. An obvious exception to this is 6:51-66, where the emphasis by Jesus on a literal understanding of “I am the bread of life” causes would-be followers to part company with him. For the view that this “bread of life” statement is a later redactional layer to the gospel (contrasted with the “bread of life” statement in v.35), see Brown, Gospel of John, 1: 284-291. 234 Chapter 4—The Magi’s Bible: Scriptural Interpretation in the Revelation of the Magi not like the other stars that populated the night sky, often possessing inordinate brightness and an unusual range of motion.16 It is not entirely clear why no other writing makes the seemingly obvious connection between the Matthean star and Christ as “the light that shines in the darkness,” (John 1:5). This interpretive move adopted by the RevMagi does eliminate the implication — uncomfortable for a number of ancient Christian exegetes of the Magi story — that astrology is a reliable form of knowledge.17 But it also conflicts markedly with any christology that maintains the full humanity of Christ, since there is less a birth in the RevMagi than a metamorphosis from one form, a star, to another, a child. The fact that the infant Christ readily shifts his appearance, radiates with glory, and utters lengthy discourses demonstrates that the RevMagi understands Christ as only “appearing in the bodily form of a human being,” (4:8) and by no means as truly human.18 Apart from its reliance on the Johannine image of the “light of the world” for its understanding of the star of Bethlehem’s true identity, the RevMagi also deploys language and concepts from John’s Gospel in a variety of narrative contexts. A christology of pre-existence, long noted as a distinctive element of the Fourth Gospel, is For analysis of these diverse interpretative strategies, see D.C. Allison, “The Magi’s Angel (2:2, 9-10),” in his Studies in Matthew: Interpretation Past and Present, (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker, 2005), 17-41, and N.F. Denzey, “A New Star on the Horizon: Astral Christologies and Stellar Debates in Early Christian Discourse,” in Prayer, Magic, and the Stars in the Ancient and Late Antique World, (eds. S. Noegel, J. Walker, and B. Wheeler; University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2003), 207-221. 17 For examples of uneasiness with the implications of the Magi narrative, see: Tertullian, De idol. 9, in which he asserts that the phrase “they returned home by another way” (Matt 2:12) means that Magi left behind the magical practice of astrology after their visit to Bethlehem; John Chrysostom, Hom. on Matt. 6.1, where he laments that some Christians in his own community have inferred the acceptability of astrological practices from the Matthean story, a serious enough problem for him that he begins his sermon with a forceful denunciation of this view. 18 With such a perspective, the christology of the RevMagi shows some similarities with the “naively docetic” christology of John’s Gospel as understood by E. Käsemann in his classic monograph, The Testament of Jesus: A Study of the Gospel of John in the Light of Chapter 17 (trans. G. Krodel; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1968). 16 235 Chapter 4—The Magi’s Bible: Scriptural Interpretation in the Revelation of the Magi woven into the RevMagi narrative through Adam’s revelation to Seth that the star originally stood over the Tree of Life prior to the Fall (6:2). Other allusions to John are scattered throughout the RevMagi, and a complete inventory of every instance would be tedious. A more illuminating and less pedantic approach is to focus here upon a few salient examples. Chief among these examples is a lengthy speech delivered by God to the Magi, the only time in the narrative that the elusive “Father of heavenly majesty” makes his presence known (15:1-10). After the initial revelation of Christ to the Magi in the Cave of Treasures of Hidden Mysteries atop the Mountain of Victories, the Magi descend the mountain in order to prepare themselves for the wondrous journey they are about to undertake. In the course of discussing the revelation they have just experienced, they realize that each of them saw Christ in a different form. As they are marveling at this, they are interrupted by a voice from heaven. While it is not immediately obvious to whom this voice belongs, once it identifies the Magi’s celestial guide as “my beloved Son,” (15:4) it is clear to both the reader and to the Magi themselves that the Father is the one who speaks. As with other discourses in the RevMagi, the speech of the Father is similar in form to the discourses of John’s Gospel in that it is quite protracted and generally does not serve to move the narrative forward in any meaningful sense.19 Yet also like the Johannine material, it is extremely rich in metaphor, and in these metaphors it is 19 The general style and content of the long-winded speeches of Christ and the Father in the RevMagi are indeed reminiscent of R. Bultmann’s observation about the Johannine Christ: “Thus it turns out in the end that Jesus as the Revealer of God reveals nothing but that he is the Revealer” (italics in original). See his Theology of the New Testament, 2 vols. (New York: Scribner, 1951-55), 2:66. 236 Chapter 4—The Magi’s Bible: Scriptural Interpretation in the Revelation of the Magi closely aligned with the Fourth Gospel. The Father tells the Magi that the being they have just encountered is his “only begotten Son,” (15:6; John 1:14) “the way,” (15:8; John 14:6) “the gate,” (15:8; John 10:9) “the bread of life,” (15:9; John 6:35) “the shepherd of truth,” (15:9; John 10:11) “a drink,” (15:9; John 6:55) and “the vine of life,” (15:9; John 15:1). The Son is responsible for the creation of everything (15:3; John 1:3). Despite the fact that the “world loves the darkness and its desires more than him,” (15:6; John 3:19) Christ has come so that human beings “would not perish,” (15:7) but have “eternal life” (15:7) if they “believe in him,” (15:7; John 3.16). This speech in the RevMagi represents an intense concentration of Johannine imagery and theology, although here it is the Father — not the Son himself, as in John’s Gospel — who reveals the attributes of the Son. In addition to this speech of the Father, several utterances of Christ in the RevMagi express the fundamental interrelationship between the Father and the Son through recourse to Johannine terminology. When Christ amazes the Magi by changing from a star into a “small and humble human,” (13:1) he tells them that such a transformation is necessary because “the inhabitants of the world cannot bear to see the glory of the only Son of the Father of majesty,” (13:2; John 1:14). Moreover, Christ elsewhere tells them that he is not only the emissary of “the Father who sent me,” (John passim) but also that “I am in my Father and my Father is in me,” (21:8; John 10:38; 14:11). Beyond the self-declarations of the Father and the Son, the Magi and others apprehend Christ’s mission through a series of visionary experiences, experiences 237 Chapter 4—The Magi’s Bible: Scriptural Interpretation in the Revelation of the Magi which are often indebted to the imagery of the Fourth Gospel. In the polymorphic visions that the Magi experience during Christ’s initial manifestation upon the Mountain of Victories, one of them sees a person of light hanging upon a cross, “taking away the sins of the entire world,” (14:6; John 1:29) while another sees him ascending to heaven where the “Paraclete Spirit” (14:8; John 14:16, 26; 15:26; 16:7) crowns him with a diadem. Likewise, when the inhabitants of Shir see visions of Christ after eating the food that the Magi have brought back, one of them sees “a lamb hanging upon a tree of life, and by him and his blood redemption takes place for all the creatures of the world,” (28:3; John 1:29, 36).20 The interweaving of Matthean narrative and Johannine theology and imagery in the RevMagi constitutes an innovative synthesis of these two gospels. This fusion provides a new perspective on the Magi’s experience of Christ’s coming, one where the “light of the world” and the “star of Bethlehem” are one and the same entity. Yet if the RevMagi changes the reader’s perception of the star of Bethlehem, transforming it from a sign that points to Christ into Christ itself, it also fundamentally alters — or better, creates — the identity of the Magi themselves. It envisions the Magi as central participants in a drama that encompasses the whole of salvation history as contained within the biblical narrative. Their lineage has its origins at the world’s beginning, and 20 While the previous references are clearly adapted from John’s Gospel, this final example is more difficult, since “lamb” also appears as a reference to Christ in the Apocalypse. Cf. especially Rev 5:8 for a similar description of the Lamb’s salvific activities. It should be noted, however, that if the RevMagi has used John’s Apocalypse, the very late reception of Revelation within the Syriac-speaking world would suggest that the received form of the “we” section of the RevMagi either originated in a non-Syriac milieu or is quite late in date. 238 Chapter 4—The Magi’s Bible: Scriptural Interpretation in the Revelation of the Magi the members of this ancient order become witnesses to the ultimate fulfillment and perfection of the Scriptures of Israel. V. The Hebrew Scriptures Although the RevMagi devotes most of its narrative space to the time of Christ’s appearance to the Magi, it still provides the Magi with an elaborate backstory that has its origins in the primeval history of the Hebrew Bible. The narrative supplies the Magi with a distant point of origin common to the people Israel, namely their Sethian lineage that continues on through the generation of Noah. The RevMagi also emphasizes that the Magi’s revelation occurs along a parallel track with that communicated by the Jewish prophets, but in so doing it proclaims that the recipients of the prophetic revelation have failed to understand its ultimate referent and goal as Christ himself. Nevertheless, in supplanting the revelation given to Israel, the Magi themselves both re-enact events and fulfill predictions from Jewish Scripture. The Magi’s revelatory knowledge ultimately comes from Adam, who told his son Seth the prophecy of the coming star before his death. This incident, of course, is not present in the book of Genesis, but it does have some commonalities in the wealth of extrabiblical speculation surrounding the figure of Seth.21 Seth’s knowledge survives Seth only finds mention in Gen 4:25-26 and 5:3-8; however, the proliferation of legends about Seth in antiquity was vast. See A. F. J. Klijn, Seth, esp. 48-60, for discussion of the connections between Seth and prominent themes in the RevMagi. There are two main points of contact between the portrayal of Seth in the RevMagi and themes found in other Jewish and Christian literature from antiquity. First is the idea of Seth as a recipient of primeval revelation who in turn records this revelation in written form for later generations. Most often, the revelation has to do with astrology and the interpretation of celestial bodies, though in the case of the RevMagi the revelation concerns the eventual appearance of one particular star, not the interpretation of stars in general. Second is the idea that Seth’s descendants are extremely virtuous, wise, or set apart from humanity in other ways. The Magi of the RevMagi not 21 239 Chapter 4—The Magi’s Bible: Scriptural Interpretation in the Revelation of the Magi throughout the ages until the time of the generation of Magi who experience Christ’s coming and serve as the narrators of the RevMagi. The books of revelation, passed down within the Sethian family from father to son for generations, escape the catastrophe of the great Flood through Noah’s custody of them in the Ark.22 The generation of Noah, however, is the RevMagi’s final link with the events of Genesis; at that point the narrative departs from the scriptural record. As a result, the race of the Magi has only the most distant connections with the people Israel, and they become witnesses to God’s revelation independent of Abraham, Moses, and the prophets. Although the RevMagi admits the parallel revelation that the Israelites have received, it also subtly critiques this system and its participants. In his initial manifestation to the Magi, Christ reveals to them that the knowledge of him has also been conveyed by others to another group of people: “…the prophets preached about me to the contentious house,” (13:10). The “contentious house” is an allusion to Ezek 3:9; in its original context of the commissioning of the prophet, God warns Ezekiel of the recalcitrant demeanor of the house of Israel in contrast to other peoples. As with the Jerusalemites who appear later in the narrative, the identity of the “contentious house” as the Jewish people is obvious to the reader without further specification. only live at the very boundaries of the inhabited world, but also are treated as venerable sages by the inhabitants of Shir. Other than the RevMagi, the only other text to locate Seth in the land of Shir is Josephus, Ant. 1.68-71. There does not appear to be anything more than superficial contact between the RevMagi and the works from the Nag Hammadi corpus that scholars have identified as representative of “Sethian Gnosticism.” 22 Here the RevMagi reads: “And Seth entrusted to his descendants the book that was set down, and it was transmitted up to Noah, that one who was found just and was delivered from the waters. And [in the time of the Deluge,] Noah [took] the books of commandments with him [in the Ark. And when] he came out of the Ark, Noah also commanded the generations after him, who recounted his great deeds and the hidden mysteries that are written in the books of Seth about the majesty of the Father and all the mysteries,” (3:4-5). 240 Chapter 4—The Magi’s Bible: Scriptural Interpretation in the Revelation of the Magi Moreover, by specifying the content of the prophets’ preaching to the Israelites as Christ, the failure of the Jews to recognize the signs of his coming is underscored.23 Additionally, when they return to their homeland of Shir, the Magi proclaim to the country’s inhabitants the limitations of this other system of revelation compared with that of Christ: “the Lord of all...sent him for the healing of the worlds, to cure their sickness, because they cannot be healed by one of the ancient prophets, but only through the will of the Son of perfect mercy,” (27:7). While it is not absolutely clear that the “ancient prophets” are indeed those who were sent to Israel, the fact that the rare term “prophet” usually occurs in the RevMagi in explicit connection with the Jewish revelation makes such an identification probable.24 While vociferously criticizing Judaism for misunderstanding the message and significance of the prophets, the RevMagi also appropriates narratives and prophecies from the Hebrew Bible in order to show how the experience of the Magi parallels and supersedes the revelation to Israel. In the first place, the miraculous journey that the Magi undertake echoes the Exodus narrative on several counts. Just as the Israelites have the pillars of fire and cloud as their guides through the wilderness (Exod 13:21- Though this link was not discussed in the section on John’s Gospel above, the assertion of the RevMagi that the Hebrew Scriptures testify to Christ echoes that of John 5:39-40, 46-47. 24 Apart from this reference, “prophet(s)” occurs four other times in the RevMagi: a) the “contentious house” passage just discussed; b) in a sequence of individuals — “all the kings, and righteous ones, and prophets, and powerful ones,” (14:10) — who in earlier times had hoped to see the star; c) in a statement of the Jerusalemites referencing David, “the ancient prophet who lived long ago,” (17:6); and d) as part of the Magi’s recapitulation of Christ’s words to the inhabitants of Shir: “everything that has been spoken about me by the prophets,” (27:5). Of these four references, the “contentious house” and David the “ancient prophet” indisputably refer to Israelite prophets. It is likely that Christ’s words to the inhabitants of Shir do as well, since they seem to point back to Christ’s statement about the “contentious house.” Therefore, only the list of “kings, righteous ones, prophets, and powerful ones” does not clearly identify these prophets as Jewish. 23 241 Chapter 4—The Magi’s Bible: Scriptural Interpretation in the Revelation of the Magi 22), the Magi have both the star and a pillar of light25 to accompany them on their journey (18:3). While the Israelites were fed in the wilderness by the mysterious appearance of quails and manna (Exod 16), the Magi also receive miraculous food. When the light of the star comes to shine on the provisions that the Magi have brought, their food multiplies, (16:5) and by the time they return to their homeland, their baggage overflows with this holy food (27:9). Finally, in a possible allusion to the crossing of the Red Sea (Exod 14), the power of the star allows the Magi to traverse rivers by foot (16:6). In addition to the rivers that the star helps the Magi to cross, other difficulties must be mitigated, the solutions to which stem from portions of the Hebrew Scriptures beyond the Exodus narrative. The Magi encounter a challenging array of terrains, but the star makes “mountains, and hills, and rugged places level before [them],” (16:6) fulfilling the words of Isaiah 40:4. They also pass through “places of beasts and evil snakes,” but the power of the star allows the Magi to “[trample] them with [their] feet,” (16:6) an ability promised in Psalm 91:13.26 Finally, the Magi are able to traverse great distances without ever becoming fatigued, since the light of the star prevents this, (16:4, 6) a situation that perhaps references Isa 40:31. Like the Gospels of Matthew and 25 While the RevMagi mentions the pillar upon which the star sits ten times, these mentions are always during the sequence when the star appears, descends from heaven, and stands before the mouth of a cave (either in Shir or Bethlehem). Thus, the pillar has no explicit role as a guide for the Magi during their journey; only the star is named as the guide in the story. But it is difficult to understand the significance of this pillar without recourse to the Exodus narrative; indeed, the scribe responsible for the CZuq wrote “pillar of cloud” instead of “pillar of light” at a point late in the narrative (27:4). This is the only time this phrase appears in the RevMagi (elsewhere it is “pillar of light”), so it may be no more than a transmission error, but at the very least, it demonstrates a possible (if unintentional) intertext with Exodus. 26 The ability to tread upon serpents is also bestowed upon the seventy(-two) disciples of Jesus in Luke’s second missionary discourse (10:19). 242 Chapter 4—The Magi’s Bible: Scriptural Interpretation in the Revelation of the Magi John, the RevMagi is both highly critical of Judaism and its practitioners and yet deeply influenced by stories and concepts found in the Hebrew Scriptures. VI. Conclusion This chapter has sought to demonstrate that one especially significant but often overlooked site of biblical interpretation is early Christian apocryphal literature, and that the complex and often surprising interweaving of biblical sources in the RevMagi is an excellent case in point. The Rev Magi reads the Magi story of Matthew from a Johannine point of view, ultimately identifying the star of Bethlehem with John’s “light of the world,” Christ himself. In doing so, it not only offers an otherwise unattested interpretation of the star of Bethlehem, but it also eschews the urge, common in early Christian writings, to make peace between the incongruous canonical accounts of Matthew and Luke. Moreover, it has shaped the journey of the Magi to Bethlehem through the use of foundational narratives from the Hebrew Bible, at the same time criticizing practitioners of Judaism for a perceived failure to recognize Christ as the ultimate referent of Israel’s prophets. 243 Chapter Five—“One Drop of Salvation from the House of Majesty” Universal Revelation, Human Mission, and Mythical Geography in the Revelation of the Magi Chapter Five “One Drop of Salvation from the House of Majesty”: Universal Revelation, Human Mission, and Mythical Geography in the Revelation of the Magi I. Introduction The fifth and final chapter of this study addresses an intriguing puzzle that emerges out of the narrative world of the RevMagi. It demonstrates that the RevMagi grapples with challenging theological issues that arise from the Magi’s experiences with Christ and the Apostle Judas Thomas, issues that gave rise to a plurality of possible solutions by Christian thinkers in antiquity. These problems concern the implications of Christ’s divine omnipresence and omnipotence for conceptions of revelation, mission, and religious difference, and also the ramifications of an incomprehensibly vast world for the spread of faith in Christ. As such, this chapter is a departure from the previous chapters of this project, since it concerns neither the application of traditional modes of textual analysis to the RevMagi — such as redaction criticism or source criticism — or the comparison of this text with another specifically delineated body of literature — such as the Christian Bible. Instead, it explores a particular set of theological problems that occupy the RevMagi, issues with which other Christian writings — both ancient and modern — have struggled. The thesis of this chapter is that while there is not necessarily an impossible contradiction between the conceptions of revelation and mission presented in the RevMagi, its distinctive envisioning of revelation opens up possibilities for understanding the scope of Christ’s salvific work in the world in far broader terms than seen in most ancient Christian texts. 244 Chapter Five—“One Drop of Salvation from the House of Majesty” Universal Revelation, Human Mission, and Mythical Geography in the Revelation of the Magi II. Divine Universal Revelation and Human Missionary Activity in the Revelation of the Magi A. Overview One of the major arguments presented in chapter three was that the thirdperson Judas Thomas material at the end of the RevMagi appears to be part of a later redactional stage than the first-person Magi pseudepigraphical writing. Yet it is not necessary to accept the transmission history posited above in order to recognize that the received form of the RevMagi proffers two very different ways through which religious diffusion can take place — one where a divine actor is paramount, the other where a human actor is. These two modes of communication correspond, for the most part, to the respective encounters of the Magi with Christ and Judas Thomas. During the narrative climax of the RevMagi — wherein the star appears to the Magi, reveals itself to them as a sentient divine being whom the text will later implicitly and explicitly identify as Christ, and leads them on a miraculous journey to Bethlehem to witness the earthly manifestation of Christ — the principle mode of religious diffusion is, for lack of a more concise term, divine universal revelation. However, even in the midst of this climax, the other mode of communication, namely human missionary activity, occurs through the persons of the Magi, directed at parties like the inhabitants of Jerusalem and Mary and Joseph. But despite these examples of human missionary activity within the first-person narrative portion of the RevMagi, the most paradigmatic instance of this 245 Chapter Five—“One Drop of Salvation from the House of Majesty” Universal Revelation, Human Mission, and Mythical Geography in the Revelation of the Magi mode of communication is the work of Judas Thomas: witnessing to the Magi about the earthly life of Christ, performing the rites of Christian initiation for them, and commissioning them to spread the Gospel further. In the analysis that follows, these two distinct modes of religious diffusion will be described on a generic level and contextualized through examples from the RevMagi and other ancient Christian writings. B. The Concept of Human Missionary Activity Since the idea of human missionary activity is well-known from early Christian texts and is only operative for a relatively small portion of the RevMagi, it is wise to discuss it first and then move on to the decidedly more complex concept of divine universal revelation. Human missionary activity is by far the most traditional and widespread mechanism in early Christian literature by which Christian faith spreads. In this view, the foundational Christian mission was undertaken by a set of divinelycommissioned apostles, for whom the earth was partitioned into spheres of respective influence.1 At its heart, this understanding maintains that the dissemination of the Gospel is dependent upon human agents, and even if these individuals are spirit-filled or imbued with some sort of divine charism, they are nevertheless mortal, limited beings and not gods. Christ himself is generally not a physical presence alongside of the human agent; in some cases, Christ will appear briefly at an especially auspicious 1 W. Bauer expressed the standard formulation of this view of “apostolic truth” especially well, though his sharp distinction between orthodox and heretical brands of Christianity is too rigid, as scholars have recognized for some time. See his Orthodoxy and Heresy in Earliest Christianity (eds. and trans. R.A. Kraft and G. Krodel; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1971), xxiii. 246 Chapter Five—“One Drop of Salvation from the House of Majesty” Universal Revelation, Human Mission, and Mythical Geography in the Revelation of the Magi time,2 while in others the apostle functions as a type of “surrogate Christ,” revealing the knowledge necessary for salvation.3 Examples of human missionary activity in early Christian writings are frequent enough that there is little need to treat them in detail here, so several programmatic instances will suffice. From the NT, two texts of central importance are Matt 28:18-20, where the eleven are instructed by the risen Jesus to make disciples of all nations, and Acts 1:7-8, where Jesus commissions them to be his witnesses to the far reaches of the earth. By the third and fourth century CE, a well-attested tradition exists in the apocryphal acts of the apostles and other patristic writings that has sections of the inhabited world parceled out for evangelization by various apostles.4 For the RevMagi, human missionary activity appears primarily in the Judas Thomas episode, and therefore in what this study has posited as a redactional layer of the document. The very introduction of Judas presupposes that his presence is missionary in nature: “When, again, Judas Thomas went down there by the will of our Lord when he sent him, again the faith increased all the more in those who heard, through the many mighty works and signs that Judas Thomas, the apostle of our Lord, As in the Acts Thom. 1-2, where Jesus comes to the Apostle Judas Thomas by night to convince him to journey to India, and when this fails, appears in the marketplace to the merchant Abban and sells Judas to him as a slave. 3 In describing the preaching of the Apostle Andrew from his cross to the crowd in the Acts Andr. 55, F. Bovon rightly observes: “Then Andrew invites each listener to change his or her life. For the author, this change requires the act of fleeing the world and binding one’s interior being to the soul of the apostle which, thanks to his impending martyrdom, is beginning to let loose of earthly things. Christology is strangely absent here; the apostle alone offers a soteriological bridge,” “The Words of Life in the Acts of the Apostle Andrew,” HTR 87 (1994): 150. 4 For analysis of this topos, see E. Junod, “Origène, Eusèbe et la tradition sur la repartition des champs de mission des apôtres,” in Les Actes apocryphes des apôtres. Christianisme et monde païen (ed. F. Bovon; Geneva: Labor et Fides, 1981), 233-248; J.-D. Kaestli, “Les scenes d’attribution des champs de mission et de départ de l’apôtre dans les Actes apocryphes,” in idem., 249-264. 2 247 Chapter Five—“One Drop of Salvation from the House of Majesty” Universal Revelation, Human Mission, and Mythical Geography in the Revelation of the Magi was doing there,” (29:1). When he meets with the Magi, he testifies about his experiences with the earthly Jesus, and in response, the Magi ask Judas “to make them partakers with him in the seal of our Lord,” (29:5). In answering them, Judas affirms that he has come for no other reason than to bring them into the Christian fold: “My brothers, I also rejoice, because it is for this gift that I was sent in salvation, since everyone who believes in salvation and with love receives the seal of my Lord Jesus Christ in truth, the Enemy does not rule over,” (29:6). After Judas has baptized the Magi, the RevMagi concludes with him commissioning the newly-initiated Magi to preach the Gospel further; the Magi then go out into the entire world, perform miracles, and urge people to flee the coming “fearsome judgment of fire” (32:2) that will destroy the earth. Even if the RevMagi is the only ancient Christian text to locate the missionary activity of Judas Thomas in the far-eastern land of Shir, it is in keeping with other ancient Christian texts, which place the missionary inheritance of Judas Thomas in the regions of the East, especially the places in which Syriac-speaking Christianity became prevalent. Eusebius (Hist. eccl. 3.1.1) lists his mission field as Parthia, the Acts of Thomas 1 as India, and the Syriac document known as the Teaching of the Apostles (not to be confused with the Syriac Didascalia) as: “India, and all its own countries, and those bordering on it, even to the farthest sea.”5 Regardless of the diversity of possible locales for Judas Thomas’ ministry, the larger point remains that he, like the other apostles, is assigned a specific portion of the inhabited world with the expectation that 5 W. Cureton, Ancient Syriac Documents (London: Williams and Norgate, 1864), 33. The Syriac of this passage reads: .‫ܐ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ . ̇ ‫ܗ ܘ ܘ ܘܢ ܐܬ̈ܪܘܬܐ ܕ ̇ ܘܕ ܪ‬ 248 Chapter Five—“One Drop of Salvation from the House of Majesty” Universal Revelation, Human Mission, and Mythical Geography in the Revelation of the Magi he is to convert its inhabitants to faith in Christ. To summarize, in this traditional view of ancient Christian missionary activity, the spread of Christianity depends almost wholly upon human agency, upon a chain of transmission from person to person, beginning with the divinely-commissioned apostle, whose missionary labors have been assigned by Christ himself. C. The Concept of Divine Universal Revelation Having provided a relatively brief overview of the phenomenon of human missionary activity as presented in the RevMagi and other early Christian texts, this chapter now explores the other mode of religious diffusion operative in the text, namely divine universal revelation. This concept will require a more sustained discussion because of its importance in the RevMagi and general scarcity elsewhere in Christian literature, and will also serve as a gateway to the next subsection, since the idea of divine universal revelation has profound implications for understanding the basis of non-Christian religious traditions. Within the world of the RevMagi, divine universal revelation means that Christ is capable of revealing himself to anyone, in any place, at any time. In this conception, which has an extremely robust and expansive vision of the divine capacity for direct revelation with human beings, Christ himself or an angelic messenger is the primary means by which the Gospel is conveyed, and any need for human effort in this process is negligible. Although the idea of Christ having such abilities is rarely, if ever, expressly denied in early Christian writings, it is equally rare for Christ to manifest 249 Chapter Five—“One Drop of Salvation from the House of Majesty” Universal Revelation, Human Mission, and Mythical Geography in the Revelation of the Magi himself to people either before his birth or after his ascension. Within the NT, the appearance (or better, the communication) of Christ to Paul on the Damascus road in Acts 9:3-6 is the exception that proves the rule.6 In sharp contrast, numerous statements of Christ and the Magi throughout the RevMagi assert Christ’s omnipresence more emphatically than seen in almost any other early Christian documents, and in so doing, demonstrate the potential for Christ to communicate with any and all human beings entirely on his own. To give a sense of the richness of this feature of the RevMagi’s theological imagination, it is worthwhile to discuss several of the most striking examples in some detail. As a first example, prior to, or perhaps just at the moment of his birth in Bethlehem, Christ has made his long-awaited appearance to the Magi in their home country, the far-eastern land of Shir. The manifestation of Christ in the form of a star is the pivotal event for the Magi, who have been awaiting this event for generations, yet the text suggests that the epiphany witnessed by the Magi is not wholly unprecedented. While the Magi are marveling among themselves about the polymorphic visions of Christ they saw in the Cave of Treasures, suddenly they hear the voice of the Father of heavenly majesty himself: “Everything that you have seen, and heard, and discussed, and had spoken to you, and (at which) behold, you are amazed, is (only) one drop of salvation from the house of [majesty,]” (15:1). The elegant final phrase of this excerpt, from which the title of this chapter derives, not only suggests that the awesome phenomena experienced by the Magi is as minute, given the Father’s infinite power, as 6 As J.A. Fitzmyer remarks, “This is the only episode in the NT that tells of a postpentecostal appearance of the risen Christ to anyone,” The Acts of the Apostles (New York: Doubleday, 1998), 421. 250 Chapter Five—“One Drop of Salvation from the House of Majesty” Universal Revelation, Human Mission, and Mythical Geography in the Revelation of the Magi a single drop of water, but moreover, that it is but a single isolated episode in the unfolding salvific activity of the Father and Christ. Another especially pivotal passage occurs after the Magi have arrived in Bethlehem and witnessed their guiding star enter a cave and take the form of a luminous infant. As they are leaving to return to their homeland, accompanied by the star, they are stopped by Mary, who is concerned that the departure of the star means that they are taking away the child who has appeared in her house. The Magi assure Mary that this is not the case: “[B]ehold, your glorious child is inside of you, and behold, he awaits you in the house, even while he is not separated from us, as he said to us, because he is the great gift of salvation that by your child was given to all the worlds,” (23:2). This almost comic depiction of Mary’s misunderstanding nevertheless serves to convey a profound theological truth about the unbounded nature of her child’s presence. The present-tense reading “your glorious child is inside of you,” as a diacritical mark in the MS appears to indicate, is quite awkward at first glance, since the narrative context of the statement would indicate that Mary is no longer with child. However, the statement of the Magi that the child is both inside Mary’s house and with them at the same time helps to explain this first phrase — Christ is anywhere, and everywhere. Whatever ambiguities exist in the Magi’s words to Mary are definitively erased by an utterance of Christ to the Magi after they began their journey homeward. The star, which had momentarily disappeared, as it did during their audience with Jerusalem’s rulers, reappears to them and proclaims: 251 Chapter Five—“One Drop of Salvation from the House of Majesty” Universal Revelation, Human Mission, and Mythical Geography in the Revelation of the Magi I am everywhere, and there is no land in which I am not. I am also where you departed from me, for I am greater than the sun, and there is no place in the world that is deprived of it, even though it is a single entity; yet if it departs from the world, all its inhabitants sit in darkness. How much more I, who am the lord of the sun, and my light and word are more abundant [by many times] than the sun. (26:3) This is one of several statements in the RevMagi that compares the light of the sun to Christ or the star. Elsewhere, the comparison is absolutely literal; when the star first appears to the Magi, its light is so intense that the sun becomes as faint as the daytime moon (11:6). But here, the text provides a compelling analogy for the absolute and unequivocal omnipresence of Christ’s revelation: even though the light of the sun illuminates the entire world without exception, the light of Christ nevertheless exceeds it by many multiples. In other early Christian texts, examples of divine universal revelation are rather difficult to isolate because of their relative scarcity as compared to the prevalence of the concept in the RevMagi. Although not exactly the same phenomenon, passages that espouse a natural theology are rather close to the idea of divine universal revelation, since natural theology also claims that one does not need a human witness to receive (some) knowledge of God. Already in the Hellenistic period, Wis 13:1-9 stresses the important difference between worshiping aspects of the natural world as gods and recognizing these elements as the handiwork of a far greater divine being, a literary trope also found widely in Greek philosophy.7 Very similar to this understanding are the speech of Paul in Acts 14:15-17,8 which states that God has given humanity a 7 For discussion of this passage and references to Greek and Latin literature, see D. Winston, The Wisdom of Solomon (New York: Doubleday, 1979), 247-257. 8 Regarding this passage, J.A. Fitzmyer observes, “Luke depicts Paul using some of the same arguments that Paul uses in Rom 1:19-21. God has made himself manifest in the good things that he has made in creation or given to humanity. In such natural blessings God has left traces of his deity....Such gifts from 252 Chapter Five—“One Drop of Salvation from the House of Majesty” Universal Revelation, Human Mission, and Mythical Geography in the Revelation of the Magi witness through the sending of rain and fruitful harvests, and his argument in Rom 1:19-20 that the invisible creator can be understood through the things that he has made. Yet what natural revelation lacks in comparison to divine universal revelation is the actual presence of a divine being that provides enlightenment, since the natural world can at best only point to an invisible creator. Several early Christian writers make claims that stand somewhat closer to the view of revelation found in the RevMagi. In 1 Cor 10:4, Paul reveals that the rock that gave sustenance to the Hebrews in the wilderness was none other than Christ himself, though there is considerable scholarly debate about the precise point of this assertion by Paul.9 Another example of this train of thought is the discussion of Justin Martyr in his Second Apology about the logos spermatikos. For Justin, this “seminal word” is none other than the pre-existent Christ that inspired all of humanity’s great thinkers. Therefore, Christ “was partially known even by Socrates,”10 (2 Apol. 10) and poets and artisans “spoke well, according to the part present in [them] of the divine logos, the Sower,” (2 Apol. 13). This idea that God or Christ is responsible for the collective wisdom of the world also appears throughout the writings of Clement of Alexandria. In Stromateis VI.5 (42.3-43.2), Clement cites an otherwise-unknown statement attributed to the Apostle Paul that asserts that pagan divinatory writings like the Sibylline books and the Oracle of Hystaspes contain heaven should make humans aware of the source of them, or at least should make them inquire into whence such blessings of nature come,” Acts of the Apostles, 532. 9 For an interpretation based on analogous exegetical material in Philo, see L.J. Kreitzer, “1 Corinthians 10:4 and Philo’s Flinty Rock,” CV 35 (1993): 109-126. 10 Translations of Justin Martyr are those of L.W. Barnard, Justin Martyr: First and Second Apologies (Mahwah, NJ: Paulist, 1997). 253 Chapter Five—“One Drop of Salvation from the House of Majesty” Universal Revelation, Human Mission, and Mythical Geography in the Revelation of the Magi information about the unity of God and the coming of Jesus.11 Similarly, later Christian writers would in turn make the poet Virgil a predictor of Christ through his Fourth Eclogue.12 However, despite the existence of channels of partial revelation to which human beings have had access, it is clear for Paul, Justin, Clement, and other writers that these glimpses of revelation are limited, imperfect in comparison with the full unveiling of God through Christ. Perhaps the closest narrative parallel to the view of divine universal revelation represented in the RevMagi appears in John’s Apocalypse, where a divine being directly communicates to humanity en masse. Rev 14:6 speaks of an “angel flying in mid-heaven, with an eternal gospel to proclaim to those who live on the earth — to every nation and tribe and language and people.” Even here it is not entirely clear what, precisely, this “eternal gospel” is, whether the Gospel of Christ (since Christ is not mentioned), the message of impending judgment that the angel announces immediately afterwards in v.7,13 or some other reference. Regardless of this ambiguity, the ability of the angel to communicate directly with all the inhabitants of the world at once is not very far off from the beliefs espoused in the RevMagi. Indeed, one statement of Christ in the RevMagi echoes this passage from Revelation quite This strange statement has received very little scholarly attention, but see the forthcoming article of the author, “The Unknown Apostle: A Pauline Agraphon in Clement of Alexandria’s Stromateis,” in Annali di storia dell’esegesi (2008). For an overview of the neglected Oracle of Hystaspes, see J.R. Hinnells, “The Zoroastrian Doctrine of Salvation in the Roman World: A Study of the Oracle of Hystaspes,” in Man and His Salvation: Studies in Memory of S.G.F. Brandon (eds. E.J. Sharpe and J.R. Hinnells; Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1973), 125-148; D. Flusser, “Hystaspes and John of Patmos,” in IranoJudaica (ed. S. Shaked; Jerusalem, Ben-Zvi Institute, 1982), 12-75. 12 See Brown, Birth of Messiah, 564-570, who gives the Latin writer Lactantius as the first instance of this line of interpretation. 13 J. M. Ford opts for this meaning, envisioning the “eternal gospel” as a proclamation of the end of the world. See her Revelation (New York: Doubleday, 1975), 236. 11 254 Chapter Five—“One Drop of Salvation from the House of Majesty” Universal Revelation, Human Mission, and Mythical Geography in the Revelation of the Magi closely: “Because my gospel has been proclaimed by angels, I am both there and with the majesty of my Father,” (13:9). In concluding this subsection, it appears that the concept of divine universal revelation is a more prominent feature in the RevMagi than in any other ancient Christian writings. What the implications of this view are for the understanding of religious diversity in the RevMagi will be the subject of the next section of this chapter. III. The Origins of Religious Belief according to the Revelation of the Magi A. Overview In its first-person narrative, the RevMagi contains an understanding of divine revelation that forcefully raises the issue of whether human intermediaries are truly necessary for religious diffusion, given the ability of Christ to be present anywhere at any time. Yet this apocryphon is not content only to assert Christ’s omnipresence, and it offers an even more provocative theological claim. Several passages imply that the epiphany of Christ to the Magi is not merely a special exception to the historical revelation located in Palestine, but is one of potentially many cases in which Christ has made himself known to the inhabitants of the world. B. Evidence for Christ as the Wellspring of Religious Belief in the Revelation of the Magi The first passage in the RevMagi that suggests that Christ has been the source of other revelations throughout the world occurs during the initial appearance of Christ 255 Chapter Five—“One Drop of Salvation from the House of Majesty” Universal Revelation, Human Mission, and Mythical Geography in the Revelation of the Magi upon the Mountain of Victories in the land of Shir. In this extremely rich passage, Christ reveals to the Magi: And I am everywhere, because I am a ray of light whose light has shone in this world from the majesty of my Father, who has sent me to fulfill everything that was spoken about me in the entire world and in every land by unspeakable mysteries, and to accomplish the commandment of my glorious Father, who by the prophets preached about me to the contentious house, in the same way as for you, as your faith befits it, it was revealed to you about me, (13:10). Several aspects of this passage are noteworthy. First, it conveys the same message of omnipresence as seen in the statement from 26:3 discussed above, depicting the revelation of Christ in terms of light imagery. Similar to that passage, in which the light of Christ’s revelation surpasses even the all-illuminating sun, a further consequence of Christ’s omnipresence is that he has been spoken of throughout the whole world, in every country. Second, the statement goes on to mention two such cases in which Christ’s revelation has occurred. One of these is to the Israelites through their prophets, the “contentious house” being an allusion to Ezek 3:9. The other is that which is currently taking place for the Magi and was prepared for them through the primeval revelation that Seth wrote down in book form for his posterity. Christ stresses that the Magi’s revelation was not of identical form of that given to the Israelites, but took place “as your faith befits it,” a phrase that seemingly builds upon the desire of the Apostle Paul to be “all things to all people,” (1 Cor 9:22). Admittedly, this statement of Christ to the Magi mentions only their revelation and that of the Israelites, and no other instances of Christ’s revelation find explicit reference in the narrative. The text states that Christ has been known “in the entire world and in every land,” but it is possible to read this as a mere rhetorical embellishment, not a statement of fact. However, other passages also convey the same 256 Chapter Five—“One Drop of Salvation from the House of Majesty” Universal Revelation, Human Mission, and Mythical Geography in the Revelation of the Magi sentiments, so the likelihood increases that the RevMagi understands this to be literally true. Two other specific remarks provide strong evidence for the idea that Christ is the reality behind all divine revelations throughout human history. When the Magi reach Jerusalem, the elites of the city ask what has brought them to this land. After recounting their ancient prophecy and the epiphany on the Mountain of Victories, the Magi then say: “[H]e commanded us in a great vision to come to this land to worship him in reverence, because he has worshipers in every country,” (17:5). The Magi, by virtue of their arrival in the interior of the oikoumene from Shir, the most remote of all lands, constitute living proof that the veneration of Christ already occurs throughout the entire world. The third passage takes place in the context of the already-mentioned response of the Magi to Mary that allays her fears of her child’s abduction at their hands. After they inform her that they cannot steal Christ because he is everywhere, the Magi also proclaim his universal significance: This great gift and light of salvation is not yours alone, but is (for) all the heavenly and earthly worlds. And lift up your eyes and see that he is in the entire creation and enlightens it all, and it is full of his glorious mysteries. And now he has appeared in the world in a body, and the forms with him are seen in every land, because he has been sent from his majesty for the salvation and redemption of every human being (23:3-4). This passage, taken together with the two previous examples, not only emphasizes the all-encompassing presence of Christ, but also understands this attribute to be for the precise purpose of bringing faith to all the peoples of the world through “his glorious mysteries.” If such an interpretation of these passages is accepted, then the RevMagi is a rare and striking example of an ancient Christian text offering an innovative 257 Chapter Five—“One Drop of Salvation from the House of Majesty” Universal Revelation, Human Mission, and Mythical Geography in the Revelation of the Magi explanation for the origin of religious difference. To use the language of much later theological concepts, there is practically no difference between “general revelation” and “special revelation,” and all general revelation is, in fact, special revelation. In this theological worldview, Christ himself is the hidden referent underlying the diverse religious traditions of the world. A final cumulative example in favor of this thesis of Christ as the Ursprung for every religious system, apart from these scattered statements, is the overall portrayal of the revelation that the Magi receive from Christ. The sum of its parts strongly suggests an understanding of Christ’s significance in universal terms, because this revelation never depends on the Magi’s recognition of Christ qua Christ. It is not, however, that their experience of Christ has nothing in common with more traditional understandings of his life and ministry found in other ancient Christian writings. On the contrary, the RevMagi interacts with established Christian discourse in several implicit ways. As mentioned in the previous chapter, the vocabulary of both the Magi and the Christ child is suffused with scriptural allusions, even if the Magi are never selfconscious about the origins of this manner of speaking. Furthermore, the Magi possess a great variety of appellations for the star: our guide, our messenger, our light, the Son, and so forth, some of which find attestation in other Christian sources. They experience polymorphic visions after the initial epiphany corresponding to different stages in Christ’s celestial and earthly existence, including the incarnation, crucifixion, resurrection, and ascension. The inhabitants of Shir also see similar visions after eating 258 Chapter Five—“One Drop of Salvation from the House of Majesty” Universal Revelation, Human Mission, and Mythical Geography in the Revelation of the Magi some of the miraculous food produced for the Magi by the star, a kind of Eucharist, Pentecost, and Feeding of the Multitudes all rolled up into one. But despite these and many other allusions to Christian Scripture, the proper name “Jesus Christ” never crosses the lips of the Magi in the course of the first-person plural narration. In effect, the Magi and the inhabitants of Shir have become Christ-worshipers, but without the adoption of explicit Christian terminology or practices, nor through the intervention of a divinely-commissioned apostle. To anticipate much later theological language, the Magi have become “anonymous Christians.”14 IV. Mythical Geography in the Revelation of the Magi A. Overview So far, this chapter has argued that the RevMagi contains two distinct modes of religious diffusion within the confines of its narrative. The first of these to be analyzed, primarily contained in the episode of Judas Thomas, is the traditional view of missionary activity, wherein human emissaries charged with spreading the Gospel through a divine commission, after which God or Christ for the most part recedes. The other view, operative for the majority of the first-person narrative, has been termed 14 This terminology is, of course, from the great Catholic intellectual Karl Rahner. Rahner describes an anonymous Christian as follows: “Anonymous Christianity means that a person lives in the grace of God and attains salvation outside of explicitly constituted Christianity. Let us say, a Buddhist monk, who, because he follows his conscience, attains salvation and lives in the grace of God; of him I must say that he is an anonymous Christian; if not, I would have to presuppose that there is a genuine path to salvation that really attains that goal, but that simply has nothing to do with Jesus Christ. But I cannot do that. And so, if I hold if everyone depends upon Jesus Christ for salvation, and if at the same time I hold that many live in the world who have not expressly recognized Jesus Christ, then there remains in my opinion nothing else but to take up this postulate of an anonymous Christianity,” Karl Rahner in Dialogue: Conversations and Interviews, 1965-1982 (eds. P. Imhof and H. Biallowons; trans. H.D. Egan; New York: Crossroad, 1986), 135. 259 Chapter Five—“One Drop of Salvation from the House of Majesty” Universal Revelation, Human Mission, and Mythical Geography in the Revelation of the Magi divine universal revelation and attributes a far more active role to Christ himself in spreading the faith directly to humanity, so much so that Christ’s revelation apparently accounts for the origins of humankind’s various religious traditions. Although these two modes of diffusion are not inherently in conflict with one another, it is not necessarily true that both are absolutely essential to the spread of the Gospel, according to the theology of the RevMagi. In the text, the power of Christ to communicate with any portion of humanity is so expansive that this study has expressed doubt about the necessity of human missionary activity. However, even if these preceding arguments are granted, a serious question still remains. Why are these two very different modes of religious diffusion juxtaposed so bluntly in the RevMagi? What is ultimately at stake in whether a direct revelation of Christ to the Magi is sufficient in and of itself for the spread of the Gospel, without the intervening of a human apostle? It seems that the implicit tension in the RevMagi between these two conceptions is closely tied to the powerful influence of ancient understandings of geography, understandings that are primarily mythic in nature. B. The Magi from the Revelation of the Magi and Ancient Speculative Ethnography The difference between ancient presumptions of the world’s layout and the present-day ability to view continents and the entire earth with sophisticated satellites — itself only a technological development of the last few decades — cannot be sufficiently stressed. As S. Mattern observes in her study of Roman foreign policy: “[K]nowledge and understanding of the world around [the Romans]…pictured a schematic, oval- 260 Chapter Five—“One Drop of Salvation from the House of Majesty” Universal Revelation, Human Mission, and Mythical Geography in the Revelation of the Magi shaped world, framed by zones of bitter frost and scorching heat, surrounded by the ancient, impassable ocean, and inhabited at its edges by primitive, exotic, sometimes mythical peoples.”15 For religious traditions that place a high value on conversion of new adherents throughout the entire world, such a vision of the remote regions of the oikoumene and their peoples give rise to two related theological difficulties. First, there is the issue of the physical accessibility of far-off races — how is a mortal to reach their homelands? Second is the problem of the indigenous, quasi-divine knowledge of these “super-races,” often surpassing anything offered by the denizens of the world’s center — what could a mere human being tell such peoples that they do not already know? A closer look at the specific geographical traditions contained within the RevMagi will help to bring this apocryphon into conversation with other works sharing similar concerns. The RevMagi not only names the home country of the Magi as Shir, but places it in the easternmost part of the inhabited world, at the shore of the great Ocean. Localizing the Magi in this region taps into pre-existing traditions about the land of Shir and the far edges of the earth. A land known as Shir is mentioned in Greek, Latin, and Syriac sources; Flavius Josephus (Ant. 1.68-71), the geographer Strabo (Geogr. XI.11.1), Pliny the Elder (NH VI.20.54), and the second-century Syriac Christian philosopher Bardaisan (Book of the Laws of Countries),16 among others, discuss its existence and traits. In these sources, Shir is a faraway land whose inhabitants possess a S.P. Mattern, Rome and the Enemy: Imperial Strategy in the Principate (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1999), 80. 16 See the text and translation of this passage in The Book of the Laws of Countries: Dialogue on Fate of Bardaisan of Edessa (ed. H.J.W. Drijvers; Assen: Van Gorcum, 1965), 40-43. 15 261 Chapter Five—“One Drop of Salvation from the House of Majesty” Universal Revelation, Human Mission, and Mythical Geography in the Revelation of the Magi number of fantastic characteristics, including primeval wisdom, extreme longevity of life, and an absence of such typical human concerns as sickness and warfare. In his article on the land of Shir in ancient literature, G. Reinink demonstrated that the people called the Seres are quite often associated with the commodity of silk.17 Therefore, despite its description as a kind of never-never land, Shir was also connected with the very real land of China, known to the West primarily through the silk trade. The RevMagi therefore demonstrates an awareness of traditions about the people Seres and the land Shir that find attestation elsewhere. Apart from the intertexts associated with this specific place-name, the RevMagi also stands in a wider relationship with ancient ethnographic literature that speculated about the peoples living on the edges of the inhabited world. The Magi from Shir have affinities with a number of these distant races, but are perhaps most similar to the Ethiopians. One might expect this race to be closely linked with the continent of Africa, but in Greek literature it is unclear exactly in which direction their homeland can be found.18 However, in a tradition beginning with Homer, the Ethiopians are situated at the boundaries of Ocean (Il. 23.205), in a land accessible only to the gods. As a sign of their favor in the eyes of the gods, their land is blessed with extreme fecundity and a most pleasant climate. While there is no clear evidence that the RevMagi has drawn upon these specific literary traditions of the Ethiopians as a model for the Magi, they seem to occupy quite comparable positions within the field of ancient speculative ethnography. Like the 17 18 See the arguments in his Land ‘Seiris’, 78-80. See the discussion of the ancient texts about the Ethiopians in Romm, Edges of Earth, 49-60. 262 Chapter Five—“One Drop of Salvation from the House of Majesty” Universal Revelation, Human Mission, and Mythical Geography in the Revelation of the Magi Ethiopians, the Magi dwell in an idyllic land that has miraculous ecological elements, most notably the coexistence of diverse species of trees and the presence of a sweetsmelling mountain covered with dew and spices (5:4-5). Both of these races also share the similarity of residing in a land at the shore of the Ocean, a land accessible to divine beings, but apparently insulated from most other visitors by insurmountable barriers, such as high mountains, barren wastelands, or other less tangible impediments. The RevMagi suggests an insulated nature for the land of Shir by means of the obstacles that the Magi cross with the help of the star in order to reach the interior of the oikoumene: mountains, rugged places, deep rivers, and “places [of beasts and evil snakes,]” (16:6). Although the name “Shir” is not expressly mentioned, a first-century CE sea merchant’s manual strongly informed by mythic traditions also speaks of the severe difficulties in reaching China, or “Thina” as it is called. The Periplus Maris Erythraei states that “it is not easy to get to this Thina; for rarely do people come from it, and only a few,” since it remains inaccessible “because of extremes of storm, bitter cold, and difficult terrain and also because of some divine power of the gods.”19 Thus, the Magi of the land of Shir possess two traits witnessed often in ancient traditions of speculative geography and ethnography: extreme inaccessibility and superior knowledge. Commenting on the wonder directed at the “furthest peoples” in Hellenistic literature, J.S. Romm notes: “[T]heir extreme distance seemed to the Greeks to confer on them a unique ethical prerogative, licensing them to mock, preach to, or simply ignore the peoples of the interior. In their eyes ‘normal’ human values, as 19 L. Casson, The Periplus Maris Erythraei: Text with Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1989), 64-66. 263 Chapter Five—“One Drop of Salvation from the House of Majesty” Universal Revelation, Human Mission, and Mythical Geography in the Revelation of the Magi defined by those who imagine themselves at the privileged center, can appear arbitrary and even laughably absurd.”20 The characteristics of such races, well-ingrained in the mind of at least some ancient Christians, posed serious problems for the prospects of human missionaries to reach them, literally or figuratively. An excellent illustration of these logistical and heuristic impediments occurs in a curious work known as the History of the Rechabites.21 This narrative, perhaps originally Jewish but only preserved in Christian form, describes the journey of the holy man Zosimus to the Isle of the Blessed. Because the island lies in the middle of a great sea, God sends an angel, an unidentified animal, and two very large trees to assist Zosimus in his travels. But when Zosimus reaches his destination, he encounters further difficulties, because the way of life of the Blessed Ones is so far advanced beyond those who, like Zosimus, live in “the world of vanity,” (5:1). At the story’s conclusion, Zosimus takes back to his world tablets engraved with the teachings of the Blessed Ones; the encounter has been entirely for his benefit, as he has nothing of use for them. Given the immense challenges in a mere mortal attempting to offer useful knowledge to one of the “super-races” that dwell on the earth’s periphery, the firstperson section of the RevMagi provides the Magi with a missionary figure who surpasses even their wisdom — Christ himself. Compared to all that Christ has said and done for the Magi, the appearance of a human emissary at the end of the narrative, even if it is Judas Thomas, seems anticlimactic, and indeed hardly appropriate when considering 20 21 Edges of Earth, 47-48. See the introduction to and translation of this work by J.H. Charlesworth in OTP, 2:443-461. 264 Chapter Five—“One Drop of Salvation from the House of Majesty” Universal Revelation, Human Mission, and Mythical Geography in the Revelation of the Magi the people with whom he is to interact. The RevMagi offers no information on how the apostle reached the remote land, saying nothing of the manifold obstacles that seal off Shir from the outside world. Judas Thomas performs signs and wonders during his sojourn in the land of the Magi (29:1), but again, these are not described, and one would be hard-pressed to suspect that the apostle has managed something greater than the miraculous journey provided for them by Christ. Few matters of integral importance are conveyed to the Magi by Judas Thomas. The apostle does relate to them details of Christ’s earthly life among his disciples (29:4), yet thanks to the polymorphic visions that conveyed for them the totality of Christ’s salvific work (14:4-8), they are already aware of these truths. The only other discernable contributions that Judas Thomas imparts to them are primarily sacramental in nature: baptism and chrismation, the Eucharist, and a commission to preach the Gospel (31:110). This final resolution of the RevMagi seems to be rather unsatisfying when considering the intertexts of ancient mythical geography and ethnography. However, the Judas Thomas episode serves an ecclesiastical purpose of integrating the Magi into a more traditional vision of Christianity; it may be for this reason that it was ultimately composed. In contrast, a concern for the hierarchy of the Church is a matter about which the sort of divine universal revelation featured in this text is largely indifferent, since it is primarily concerned that the Gospel reaches all peoples by any means necessary. 265 Chapter Five—“One Drop of Salvation from the House of Majesty” Universal Revelation, Human Mission, and Mythical Geography in the Revelation of the Magi V. Conclusion This chapter has demonstrated that probing deeper into the driving theological values and concerns of the RevMagi is indeed a rewarding exercise. It has explored a tension expressed throughout the narrative: the extremely robust view of Christ’s ability to reveal his Gospel throughout the entire world without any human mediation, contrasted with the more traditional conception of mission, which depends upon human agents for the process of evangelization. The first view, termed divine universal revelation, is rarely seen in other early Christian writings, but such a view has profound implications for understanding the origins of religious difference. The RevMagi appears to suggest that other religious systems are not the products of demonic mischief or human vanity, but rather the far-reaching revelatory activity of Christ himself. This chapter has argued, moreover, that the RevMagi has intertexts with the literary genres of speculative geography and ethnography. The picture of the world that emerges from these sources has produced, in the text of the RevMagi, an extensive meditation on the enigma of how the Gospel can spread to races that are both extremely remote and of vastly superior intellect. While one explanation valorizes the perseverance of human apostles, the other sees such effort as ultimately unnecessary, thanks to a God for whom all things are possible. 266 Conclusion—Problems and Prospects in the Study of the Revelation of the Magi Conclusion Problems and Prospects in the Study of the Revelation of the Magi I. Contributions of the Present Study This study has sought to bring the text known as the Revelation of the Magi (henceforth RevMagi) further into the mainstream of scholarship on ancient Christian literature. It began by presenting the Syriac text of the RevMagi as contained in the only surviving MS of the Chronicle of Zuqnin (henceforth CZuq), codex Vaticanus Syriacus 162. This critical edition was accompanied by an annotated English translation—the first of its kind, and only the third in a modern language, behind the 1952 Italian translation of G. Levi Della Vida and the 2003 Polish translation of W. Witakowski. The second and third chapters of the study sought to trace the history of this text prior to its appearance in the CZuq in the late eighth century. Chapter two entailed a comparison of the received Syriac of the RevMagi with the narrative contained in the Opus Imperfectum in Matthaeum (henceforth OIM). Unlike previous scholarship, which regarded the OIM as a witness to a shorter, more archaic version of the text than that represented by the received Syriac, this study found no compelling reasons for such a supposition. On the basis of analogies with other ancient Christian texts, particularly that of the Acts of Andrew and its epitome by Gregory of Tours, it seems likely that the OIM knew a Greek recension of the RevMagi that was basically equivalent to the received Syriac. Although the OIM demonstrates the state of the RevMagi in the fifth century, it cannot be used to reconstruct any earlier stages in the history of the text. This 267 Conclusion—Problems and Prospects in the Study of the Revelation of the Magi limitation is due both to its paraphrastic nature and to the dependence of its Greek exemplar on a Syriac version that, as argued in the third chapter, had already undergone interpolation. The received Syriac text of the RevMagi shows several signs of editorial tampering clustered around the Judas Thomas episode (henceforth JTE) in its final four chapters. These signs include instability in direct and indirect speech, a shift in narrative voice from the first-person plural to the third-person, and the introduction of traditional Christian terminology not seen earlier in the text, most notably the name Jesus Christ. Apart from these jarring literary features, the JTE seems to be superfluous on a narrative level; before Judas arrives, the Magi have already witnessed the fulfillment of their prophecy and converted the inhabitants of their country to faith in Christ, even if this conversion does not deploy explicitly Christian language and concepts. When the JTE is set aside, what remains is a first-person plural account of the Magi’s experience of Christ’s manifestation, termed the “Magi Pseudepigraphon” (henceforth MPseud). This text has a number of remarkable parallels with the “New Source,” an archaic infancy gospel discovered in medieval Latin and Irish sources by M.R. James. These parallels are on the level of content, but not form. They concern details about the Magi and their knowledge of the star; but whereas the “New Source” tightly concentrates this information into a dialogue between the Magi and Joseph at the Bethlehem cave, the RevMagi scatters it throughout its narrative. The MPseud is also the lengthiest and most detailed ancient Christian text purporting to have been written by non-Christians who were privy to events in the life of Christ. As such, it has 268 Conclusion—Problems and Prospects in the Study of the Revelation of the Magi a strong apologetic tendency, much like the apocryphal correspondence of Pilate to the Emperor Claudius (or, in a lost version, to Tiberius) and that between King Abgar of Edessa and Jesus himself. The literary parallels between the MPseud and the “New Source” and the rhetorical affinities of the MPseud to other examples of apologetic “pagan” pseudepigrapha suggest a date for this portion of the RevMagi in the late second or early third century. Although it is entirely plausible that it was, like the JTE, composed in Syriac, it does not betray any distinctive hallmarks of Syriac-speaking Christianity; therefore, it is by no means out of the question that its original language was Greek. Once this study presented the text and translation of the RevMagi and advanced a cohesive and detailed theory about its history of transmission and redaction, it proceeded in chapters four and five to address the document’s use of scriptural traditions and its particular theological emphases. The fourth chapter investigated the ways in which the RevMagi interacts with foundational Christian writings, starting with its most obvious predecessor, the Gospel of Matthew. Yet this study argued that the RevMagi is only dependent upon the most basic structural elements of Matt 2:1-12, and that, especially in its account of the events at Bethlehem, it demonstrates considerable freedom in departing from the plot of the gospel story. Far more important for the RevMagi is the Gospel of John, since this gospel’s representation of Jesus as the “light of the world” appears to have provided the impetus for this apocryphon’s portrayal of the star of Bethlehem as the pre-existent Christ. Along with adopting the language and theology of John’s Gospel, the RevMagi also utilizes traditions from the Hebrew Bible, 269 Conclusion—Problems and Prospects in the Study of the Revelation of the Magi particularly from the primeval history, the Exodus narrative and prophetic writings, in describing the ancient order of the Magi and their miraculous journey to Bethlehem. The concluding chapter of this study examined the two distinctive ways in which the RevMagi envisions the spread of the Christian faith. The first, more traditional conception is human missionary activity, which is the predominant method in the Judas Thomas episode. The second conception is not, strictly speaking, missionary activity, but rather divine revelation, namely the direct communication of Christ with the Magi throughout the first-person narrative. However, the sort of divine revelation depicted in the RevMagi has a strongly universal character. Though it is the culmination of their long-expected prophecy, the Magi’s experience of Christ’s coming appears to be but one of potentially many instances in which Christ has appeared to the people of the world. Statements of Christ, the Father of heavenly majesty, and the Magi in the RevMagi describe the revelatory activity of Christ as the primal cause of humanity’s religious difference. Although other ancient Christian writings, particularly those of second and third-century apologists, claim that Christ’s revelation exceeded the bounds of his earthly life, no other Christian text argues this as emphatically as the RevMagi does. II. Future Questions for the Study of the Revelation of the Magi In concluding this study, it is worthwhile to reflect on some of the challenges that this project faced and to indicate areas for further research on the RevMagi and related apocryphal Christian writings. The most serious drawback of the present study, 270 Conclusion—Problems and Prospects in the Study of the Revelation of the Magi in the mind of its author, is the lack of certainty about the text as contained in codex Vaticanus Syriacus 162. The editions of Tullberg and Chabot have clarified most of the readings of the text, but some readings are still contested. Moreover, it is unclear how drastically the punctuation of the MS differs from that of the two editions, which are themselves quite divergent from one another. A more definitive critical edition of the RevMagi cannot be published until it is possible to conduct a full examination of the MS with the aid of ultraviolet light, but such a consultation must wait for the reopening of the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, either in the fall of 2010 or hopefully sooner. A second issue requiring further consideration is the disjunction between previous scholarship on the RevMagi and the present study in their respective explanations for the origins of the text’s depiction of the Magi. It has been commonplace, even before the Syriac text of the RevMagi was brought into the discussion in 1952 by U. Monneret de Villard, for scholars to regard this legend about the Magi as having strong connections to Zoroastrian beliefs and practices. However, this study has not found any of the alleged links to Iranian traditional religion persuasive, and has argued that the RevMagi is entirely explicable as a Christian composition without any concrete references to other religious traditions — apart, of course, from Judaism. Despite this negative judgment about the influence of Zoroastrianism on this text, the fact remains that the author of the RevMagi has gone to extraordinary lengths in crafting an amazingly detailed religious system for the Magi. Indeed, the third chapter in this study argued that the author of the RevMagi was so 271 Conclusion—Problems and Prospects in the Study of the Revelation of the Magi successful in creating a pagan identity for the Magi that earlier scholars of the text were taken in by this rhetorical strategy, believing that the document was only superficially Christian. Even so, it remains unresolved how, precisely, the author went about inventing its portrayal of the Magi. There are some elements — such as their location in the land of Shir — that have connections with earlier texts, but it is uncertain whether the author invented the order of the Magi and their system of religious rites out of whole cloth or based it upon features of an actual historical religious association. As a third unresolved issue, there are a number of puzzling literary features in the RevMagi, some of which future scholarship may unravel. A paradigmatic example of such a riddle is the statement that the Magi are called by this name in the language of their country because they pray in silence (1:2; 2:1). It is clear that a link between the Magi and silent prayer is important for this apocryphon, since the Syriac text of the RevMagi mentions this word derivation twice and depicts the Magi as engaged in silent prayer on several other occasions. Moreover, the narrative from the OIM also includes this word derivation in a form almost identical to that of the Syriac, indicating its presence in the Greek exemplar of the OIM. There does not appear to be any linguistic similarity between the words “Magi,” “silence,” or “prayer” in Syriac, Greek, or Latin, but the text implies that this wordplay derives from the language spoken in the Magi’s homeland of Shir. It is possible that there is no actual etymological connection, and that the author of the RevMagi has simply invented an imaginary word derivation in an imaginary language. But if this is the case, it is still difficult to understand why the author posits a connection in the first place, and why silent prayer is such an essential 272 Conclusion—Problems and Prospects in the Study of the Revelation of the Magi part of the Magi’s religious practice. Although the Magi-silent prayer conundrum is arguably the most vexing, there are other cruces interpretum scattered throughout the RevMagi in need of further scrutiny. Beyond these problems associated specifically with the RevMagi itself, this study has also called attention to several obscure apocryphal texts related to the birth of Jesus in which the Magi play a significant role. These texts include the “New Source” of M.R. James, the pseudo-Eusebian Syriac work On the Star, and the Legend of Aphroditianus, falsely attributed to Julius Africanus.1 Research on such texts has remained at a very basic level, not because of the dullness of their narratives, but because of the difficulties in their textual transmission and the theological biases that hamper the study of all noncanonical writings. This study has demonstrated the remarkable and innovative features of one obscure apocryphal text; analysis of these other texts may reap similar rewards. Finally, there is the overall question of ancient Christian interpretation about the Matthean Magi story, the witnesses to which include apocryphal narratives, commentaries, homilies, hymns, polemical and theological treatises, liturgical texts, and artistic representations in a variety of media. There has never been a comprehensive and systematic treatment of the numerous ways in which ancient Christians understood this very strange narrative, despite some commendable efforts at elucidating particular segments of these traditions. Such a study would be a valuable resource, since the Magi legend was a site around which ancient Christians engaged in 1 For more information on the latter two witnesses, see the note at 4:2 in the English translation. 273 Conclusion—Problems and Prospects in the Study of the Revelation of the Magi dialogue about issues as diverse as astrology, ethnicity, magic, geography, revelation, pilgrimage, christology, and religious pluralism. 274 Bibliography for The Sages and the Star-Child An Introduction to the Revelation of the Magi, An Ancient Christian Apocryphon Bibliography A. Ancient Sources Budge, E.A.W. The Book of the Bee. Clarendon: Oxford, 1886. Casson, L. The Periplus Maris Erythraei: Text with Introduction, Translation, and Commentary. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1989. Chabot, J.-B. Chronicon anonymum Pseudo-Dionysianum vulgo dictum, I. CSCO SS, 3:1. Paris: E Typographeo Reipublicae, 1927. Constas, N. 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